日美芷业改量的比较分析

制度变迁理论是企业改革的基本理论,本文以这一理论为基础,对日美两国企业制度改革进行比较分析,随着世界经济环境、国内经济状态、企业经营状态以及经济思潮等因素的变化,日美两国先后开始对国内企业制度进行改革.这种改革涉及企业所有制、企业雇用制度等方面.日美两国企业制度改革有不同的特点,并在企业制度的具体形式、企业劳动生产率、企业国际地位、国民经济增长率和国民收入分配等方面有不同的绩效表现.     

中日软实力比较

软实力对中日两国和中日关系发展具有重要意义,尤其对追求大国崛起的中国而言,软实力的战略价值尤为明显。本文从文化、发展模式、政治价值观、国际制度等四个方面对中日两国的软实力进行比较后认为,中国的软实力建设虽成绩斐然,但当前整体水平仍弱于日本,中国软实力建设任重而道远。未来中国提升软实力可以从保持经济高质量发展、改善国内治理、提高文化现代化和产业化水平、深度参与国际制度、增强对外传播能力等方面加以着力。     

美国的农产品贸易攻势与日本农业

七十年代以来,围绕纺织品、彩色电视机、钢铁、汽车以及半导体等工业产品,日美两国曾多次发生过贸易磨擦。而近几年里,日美贸易磨擦又突出地集中在农产品贸易方面,特别是集中在牛肉、果汁、柑桔等限制输入品方面。一日美农产品贸易磨擦的表面化是在七十年代以后。战后初期,日本经济处于恢复和发展时期。日美间的贸易,美国一直是顺差。农产品的对日输出也一直在不断地扩大。1965年以后,由于日本工业的迅速发展,日本工业产品输出急剧增加,从而打开了日美     

中俄向市场经济过渡的比较研究

20世纪最后的一二十年 ,中俄两国都进行了经济改革 ,从传统的计划经济向市场经济过渡。但是 ,由于两国改革的性质目标不同 ,方法步骤不同 ,实际效果也差别很大。在世纪之交和千年更迭之际 ,对两国的改革进行客观的实事求是的比较研究 ,从中得出相应的结论 ,是十分必要的 ,具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。1999年 12月 31日被任命为俄罗斯代总统的普京在《千年之交的俄罗斯》一文中 ,对 90年代的俄罗斯经济改革作了回顾和总结。他说 :“俄罗斯在政治和社会经济动荡、剧变和激进改革中已经精疲力尽。”“民族的忍耐力、生存能力和建设能力都已…     

近二十年国内清末中外修订商约交涉的研究综述

1902年至1906年间,依据《辛丑条约》的规定,英、美、日、葡、德、意等国先后与清政府进行修订商约的交涉。本文从整体研究和专题研究两个大的方面对近二十年来国内清末中外修订商约交涉的研究做一梳理。     

“激进与渐进——中俄改革比较研究”国际学术研讨会综述

20 0 2年 1 1月 2 3─ 2 9日 ,中国苏联东欧历史研究会年会暨“中俄改革比较研究———回顾与展望”国际学术研讨会在广州暨南大学召开。来自中国与俄罗斯两国约 50位专家学者出席了会议。与会专家学者从社会、政治、经济等方面对中俄两国的改革进行了比较和研讨。由于篇幅所限     

日本学界各流派的日美同盟论争

日美同盟之于日本国家安全与国家大战略的合法性与合理性问题,在冷战后成为日本国是论争的核心。日美同盟的地位与作用、形式与结构、进程与前景的论争,仍是当前日美两国无法回避的课题。本文依据日本学者的日美同盟观与同盟前景的预测,在有限区分几个有代表性的学派或流派的基础上,对日本国内的同盟论争进行了整体性的归纳和梳理,力图通过日本国内的议论揭示出冷战后日美双边同盟面临的困境与问题,从而对日美同盟的维持与变革问题的思索提供一点有益的参考。     

战后日美文化教育交流会议的形成、作用及其局限性

第二次世界大战后,美国对日本大规模移植美国式民主文化,导致战后日美文化关系呈现出严重不平等性的特征。但随着日本经济的迅速崛起,日本国内要求日美文化平等化的呼声日益强烈。对此,出于对日美文化冲突会动摇战后日美同盟的担忧,美方也积极回应了日方推动日美文化关系平等化的呼声。1961年日美文化教育交流会议的设立,正是日美双方在协调两国文化关系问题上取得的关键性成果。以该会议为核心的日美文化协调机制与日美军事、经济协调机制并列,成为支撑战后日美同盟的三大支柱之一,为巩固、延续战后日美同盟发挥着文化润滑剂的作用。然而,日美文化内在特性的巨大差异注定了日美文化冲突的命运,这也是以日美文化教育交流会议为核心的日美文化协调机制的主要局限性。     

从日本电视剧看中日文化差异

随着全球经济、文化一体化的推进,各国之间的经济、文化往来也越来越密切。我国与日本之间已经有2000余年的交流历史,在文化方面两国之间既有相同点又有不同点,一国的电视剧可以反映国家的政治、经济、文化的内容。所以,从日本电视剧可以很好的理解日本的文化。通过中日文化的比较,可以清楚的了解两国在文化方面的差异,为加深中日两国的交流和理解有一些帮助。本文笔者主要对日剧中日本人是如何表达自身的情感、体现的价值观念、日本人的生活习惯等方面比较中日文化的差异。     

内资企业受“两税”合并的影响分析

随着我国经济的不断发展,以及社会主义市场经济体制日益完善。近年来对企业税收方面的改革也逐渐深入,尤其是自2008年1月1日开始实施的《中华人民共和国企业所得税法》,这一法律文件的颁布使企业所得税法有了很大改动。在这样一个机遇与挑战并存的社会,两税合并对内资企业的影响无疑是十分深远的。因为它不仅有利于完善我国所得税制度,且在力争营造公平的竞争环境等方面都起到了极大作用。因此,本文将针对两税合并对内资企业影响及对相应应对措施进行粗略探讨。     

20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚移民政策差异性的政治理论分析

论文利用移民政治理论对20世纪后期美国与澳大利亚的移民政策进行比较,并对其差异性进行了分析。认为这两个主要的移民国家都推行了限制性移民政策,但因其移民政治中的"利益导向",受"权利"的制约程度以及移民政策制定程序的不同,从而导致两国的移民政策无论在内容上还是在实际收效上都出现了巨大的差别。据此可以预测两国未来移民政策的趋势:美国将继续在自由主义的道路上前行,而澳大利亚却可以根据国内外政治经济形势的变化灵活地调整移民政策。     

前景理论视角下的日本突袭珍珠港事件

美国对日本实行全面的经济禁运使日本军事武器和经济受到致命威胁,加上长期以来日本形成的悲情情绪使日本不惜铤而走险,突袭美国珍珠港。面对一个国力十倍于己的国家,日本的做法是传统的理性选择理论所无法解释的。运用前景理论的分析框架来分析日本发动自杀性进攻的动机和原因,会启发人们从一个新的视角来认识这一事件的原因。     

How Constitutional Concerns Framed the US Contribution to the International Human Rights Regime From Its Inception, 1947–53

The United States has been reluctant to agree to binding international human rights instruments ever since the very first meeting of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in 1947. This article explores structural causes for that reluctance. Internal government papers show that US government officers worried that a human rights treaty might expand federal jurisdiction at the expense of the jurisdiction of the United States' constituent states and could provide an opening for judicial activism by the courts. These concerns made domestic political sensitivities more acute and raised principled questions about the desirability of pushing domestic reforms through international law-making. US representatives made repeated efforts to ensure that an international bill of rights was drafted as an aspirational declaration rather than a legally binding treaty. They also proposed clauses designed to delay or limit the domestic effects of any agreement, while reassuring the US Senate that domestic power balances would not be disturbed. Constitutional concerns thus framed the United States' contribution to the creation of an international human rights system from the very beginning.     

第一次石油危机中日本对中东政策的转折

在第一次石油危机期间,中东产油国把石油武器不仅对准支持以色列的美国等国家,也对准了持“中立”政策的日本等国家。日本一方面面临中东产油国不断加大压力,国内经济出现混乱,另一方面担心得罪美国而影响日美同盟关系,不敢轻举妄动。最后,为了维持以石油为主要能源的日本经济正常运转,日本政府不得不放弃“中立”政策,转而公开支持阿拉伯国家正义事业,并且提供巨额资金及技术援助中东有关国家,加强与中东有关国家关系,确保中东石油平稳供应。     

U.S. and Japanese Foreign Direct Investment in East Asia: A Comparative Analysis

East Asia has led the world in economic growth and export expansion in recent decades. The phenomenal rate of economic growth among the so‐called “four little tigers”—Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan—enabled them to achieve newly industrializing country (NIC) status in the 1980s, followed by Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. Earlier studies explained the development from the government‐led development paradigm, or the so‐called the statist approach. Scholars also argue that foreign direct investment (FDI) played an important role in the economic development, thanks to technology transfers. Kojima and Ozawa and later Kohama, however, argue that Japanese FDI help East Asian economies while U.S. FDI do not because Japanese technology transfer practices are appropriate for East Asian countries but not the United States'. Thus, we revisit the issue of East Asian economic development and test the economic effects of FDI from the United States and Japan. Using a Barro‐type growth model, we test the effects of FDI from the United States and Japan on economic growth in East Asian NICs. We find that FDI from both the United States and Japan helped economic growth in the “four little tigers,” but not in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand.     

杜勒斯与美国的琉球政策(1950-1951)

如何处理琉球群岛,是美国战后对日和约中需要解决的主要问题之一。1950年4月,杜勒斯被杜鲁门总统任命为国务卿顾问,负责对日和约问题。当时,美国政府内部特别是军方和国务院之间对此存在争论和分歧。杜勒斯因应美国遏制共产主义发展的亚洲政策主要目标,与美国政府内部各方、美国各盟国、苏联、日本等折冲博弈,基本上界定了琉球政策的框架。为满足各方需求,杜勒斯创造了“剩余主权”这一全新概念,通过《旧金山和约》确保了在联合国托管的名义下,美国对北纬29度以南的琉球群岛进行排他性战略控制。同时,杜勒斯主导了《美日安保条约》《美澳新安全条约》《美菲共同防御条约》的形成,初步构建了美国在亚太地区以琉球群岛军事基地为核心的防卫体系。     

A journey to Mars: John Dewey’s lectures and inquiry in China

ABSTRACT

Instead of the framework of influence–acceptance commonly used in previous studies, the author uses new sources to reexamine John Dewey’s visit to China from the perspective of interactive experience. This study presents Dewey’s lectures in China as the result of interrelationships among a variety of elements – Columbia University, different hosts and audiences, the media, all levels of the Chinese government, the domestic situation in the United States, the international situation, and Dewey’s expectations and work – against the general background of China’s New Culture Movement and new educational reforms. Dewey’s speeches on democracy, science, and new education were remarkably successful in the first year of his visit to China, but began to meet with resistance from some students beginning in June 1920. Because of the Red Scare in the United States, Dewey had to stay in China. In the second year of his visit, he gave warmly welcomed lectures on the same topics in Jiangxi, Fujian, and Guangdong Provinces. With a deeper understanding of China, Dewey not only identified himself with reform plans but also began to pay more attention to China’s economic problems. His inquiry into the problems confronting China is a good example of what he advocated in his lectures: seeing democracy, science, and new education as a way of thinking and carrying out actions and making intellectual choices while moving forward.     

Chinese strategies in a US-hegemonic global order: accommodating and hedging

China's economic, political and military influence has been increasing at a time when the United States, as sole superpower, dominates the international order. This article outlines Chinese elite perspectives on the current global order and shows not only how these perceptions have affected China's policies towards the United States, but also how they have influenced China's regional and global policies more broadly. It argues that variants of realist logic that interpret Chinese behaviour as a form of balancing are not particularly helpful, and do not capture the essence of Chinese strategies that are underpinned by an overwhelming focus on its domestic development needs. The article posits that Chinese leaders have accepted that they operate in a unipolar order and have chosen not to stick out for negotiating positions that the United States would see as seriously detrimental to its interests. However, Beijing couples this accommodating approach with policies designed to ensure that, were relations seriously to deteriorate with Washington, China could draw on deepened regional and global ties to thwart any US effort to interrupt its domestic objectives. China's hope is that a more 'democratic' international order will emerge, which means not multipolarity as such but a 'concert of great powers system' that will operate to forge multilateral cooperation among the major states.     

美国印度裔族群的形成及其经济成就探析

论文概述了美国印度裔族群艰难的移民历程,分析了其族裔人口在新时期快速增长的原因,并着重探讨了它近年来的经济成就和成功的动因。作为当今美国的一个新兴少数族裔群体,印度裔族群已发展为仅次于美国华人的第二大亚裔族群。尽管其真正意义上的发展开启于美国1965年新移民法案的出台,但它却在短短四十余年间逐步取得了令人瞩目的经济成就,并在收入、商务、个人发展等方面得到了清晰的展现。美国印度裔族群杰出经济成就的取得并非偶然,而是与它族裔整体上的精英特性密切相关,这一特性在很大程度上保证了其发展目标的顺利实现和对美国主流社会的平稳融入。     

Attitudes Towards Divided Government and Ticket-splitting in Australia and the United States

Divided party government has become a frequent occurrence in both the United States and Australia in recent years. In the United States, Morris Fiorina has argued that this result is intentional on the part of the voters, who do not fully trust either party to govern by itself. We test this theory in both the United States and Australia by comparing the voting patterns of those who prefer divided versus united party government. It is hypothesised that Fiorina's theory will actually work better in Australia than in the United States, due to the presence of a strong party system as well as a voting system for the Australian Senate that facilitates strategic voting on behalf of small parties. Indeed, near-identical logistic regression models demonstrate that Australians' attitudes about divided government are a very significant predictor of straight-ticket voting even when a host of other factors is controlled for, whereas in the United States such attitudes are insignificant.