Who were the latter Pleistocene eastern Africans?

A later Pleistocene Khoisan peopling of eastern Africa has been suggested by most researchers. The evidence cited consists of a few isolated crania, archaeological occurrences described as Wilton, rock paintings and scattered populations of present-day hunter-gatherers speaking languages with clicks and viewed as bearing some physical resemblances to living Khoisan groups. When these different lines of evidence are evaluated, it is clear that there is no strong basis for retaining the concept of later Pleistocene Khoisan populations in eastern Africa. Instead, the available data suggest that the later Pleistocene and Holocene eastern Africans were tall, linear peoples.

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Résumé La plupart des chercheurs proposent que l'est de l'Afrique a été peuplé pendant le Pléistocène tardif par des gens Khoisan. Les témoignages citées par ces auteurs consistent en quelques crânes isolés, des mobiliers archêologiques catégorisés comme du type Wilton, des peintures rupestres, et la répartition actuelle de quelques groupes sociaux bien parsemés de chasseurs-cueilleurs qui parlent des langues avec des claquements et qu'on pense à ressembler physiquement à quelques peuples Khoisan d'aujourd'hui. Quand ces lignes de raisonnement sont évaluées individualement, il se manifeste qu'il n'y a aucune base solide qui peut nous justifier à garder l'hypothèse de la présence des gens Khoisan dans l'est de l'Afrique pendant le Pléistocène tardif. Au contraire, les données disponibles nous amènent à penser que les gens est-africains au Pléistocène tardif ainsi qu'à l'Holocene étaient de haute taille et mince.

     

Terminal Pleistocene–Early Holocene lithic technological organization around Lake Mojave,California

Abstract

The surface lithic scatters at two areas around Soda Lake were intensively surveyed and 3133 artifacts were analyzed in the field using four main variables to infer how Terminal Pleistocene–Early Holocene foragers organized lithic technology around pluvial Lake Mojave, California. Results indicate that early stage bifaces and flake tool blanks were created at a fine-grained volcanic (felsite) quarry/workshop complex in the Soda Mountains survey area and transported elsewhere. In addition, fine-grained volcanic bifaces were reduced and bifaces and flake tools of cryptocrystalline silicates and obsidian were finished, used, and/or discarded at a habitation area on the ancient shorelines near Little Cowhole Mountain. Comparisons with nearby sites of similar ages (at Ft. Irwin and China Lake) reveal many similarities in lithic technological organization. Lake Mojave—an important locus of prior research—can now be integrated into recent Mojave Desert and Great Basin technological organization studies.     

Possible causes and significance of cranial robusticity among Pleistocene–Early Holocene Australians

An analysis of possible developmental-functional causes of cranial form suggests that the morphology of ‘robust’ Pleistocene/Early Holocene Australians such as Willandra Lakes Human 50 might best be explained by four underlying factors: possession of a (1) large neurocranium, (2) narrow cranial base, (3) viscerocranium with considerable midfacial projection, and (4) large dentition, especially the cheek teeth, with their associated large jaws and high volume masticatory muscles. Some of these features are likely to be highly heritable, while others are caused/exaggerated by influences from ageing processes, diet, and a hunter-gatherer lifestyle in an arid environment. These underlying ‘causes’ are either apomorphies of Homo sapiens (1 and 2) and thus absent from pre-modern specimens such as from Ngandong, or represent plesiomorphic features of latter Homo (3 and 4). It is concluded that combining current knowledge of cranial development-function with genetic studies of the population history of Aboriginal Australians provides the most parsimonious solution to understanding their origins.     

Late Pleistocene marine birds from southern Peru: distinguishing human capture from El Niño-induced windfall

The Central Andean hyperarid littoral has abundant marine fauna that would have been attractive to the earliest inhabitants. Whether people hunted or scavenged marine animals during the terminal Late Pleistocene have social and technological implications for understanding ancient Andean foraging. The periodic phenomenon of El Niño/Southern Oscillation (ENSO) disrupts marine food chains and results in the death of significant numbers of marine vertebrates and microorganisms. The onset of ancient El Niño events may have created a subsistence opportunity for human coastal inhabitants along the Pacific coast of the Central Andes when large numbers of guano-producing birds (cormorants, boobies, and pelicans) became weak and eventually died. The remains of numerous marine birds dominate the Late Pleistocene archaeological site of Quebrada Tacahuay in far southern Peru. This Terminal Pleistocene occupation dating to 10,770–10,290 years ago (uncalibrated radiocarbon years; 12,880–11,970 calendar years ago) was buried and sealed by an apparent ancient El Niño-induced debris flow. Using characteristics of the faunal assemblage I assess whether people hunted marine birds or ENSO created a subsistence opportunity for people to either scavenge a catastrophic assemblage or collect a community of vulnerable birds prior to the debris flow. I present avian skeletal part frequencies, butchering patterns, and the quantities and variety of marine bony fishes. An analysis of vertebrate taxonomic and skeletal composition in conjunction with an analysis of site context does not support the hypothesis that paleoenvironmental conditions generated an opportunity for the facile collection of either dead or weak birds. In contrast, the faunal data suggest that humans actively hunted, captured, and consumed healthy marine birds. When evaluating the possible role of environmental fluctuations on human behavior and diet, researchers must consider not only the taphonomy of the most abundant remains, but also how other vertebrate taxa in a region are affected as well as the archaeological context.     

The Muddle in the Middle Pleistocene: The Lower–Middle Paleolithic Transition from the Levantine Perspective

The terms Lower Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic represent research constructs within which cultural evolution and prehistoric hominin behaviours can be studied, with the transition usually understood as marking a watershed in our evolution: an adaptation with a million-year record of success that gives way to something new. The interpretation of the Lower Palaeolithic Acheulian technocomplex is usually understood as a period of cultural stasis that extends over much of Africa and Eurasia, principally associated with Homo erectus. Those innovations that can be observed occur widely separated from one another in space and time. Yet a closer and more detailed examination of the Middle Pleistocene records from East Africa, southern Africa, Europe and the Levant reveals significant variation in cultural repertoires. A kind of paradox emerges, in which an Old World Lower Palaeolithic, apparently lacking an overall dynamic of distinctive and directed change in terms of cumulative variation over time, nevertheless culminates in a transition which sees the universal appearance of the Middle Palaeolithic. The two main hypotheses that have been advanced to explain the global transition, which happens essentially synchronously, appear mutually exclusive and contradictory. One view is that altered climatic-environmental constraints enabled and encouraged an ‘Out-of-Africa’ dispersal (or dispersals) of a new type of genus Homo. This cultural replacement model has been challenged more recently by the alternative hypothesis of accumulating but unrelated and temporally non-linked regional, and in fact potentially autochthonous, processes. The Levant, by virtue of its position bridging Africa and Eurasia (thus being the region into which any out-of-Africa groups would have had first to disperse into), must be seen as a critical region for assessing the relative merits of these competing hypotheses. This paper deals with the Lower–Middle Paleolithic boundary in the Levant within a long temporal perspective. The Middle Pleistocene record in the Levant enables us to examine the amplitude of variation within each techno-complex, as well as to question whether there are diachronic changes in the amplitude of techno-typological variations as well as changes in the manner by which they appear in the record. The results carry significant implications for understandings of demographic and societal processes during the Lower–Middle Paleolithic transition in the Levant.     

The Neolithic site of Maddalena di Muccia (Umbria–Marche Apennine,Italy): a tip to reconstruct the geomorphological evolution and human occupation during the Late Pleistocene and the Holocene

The geomorphological evolution of the upper Chienti river basin, during the late Pleistocene and the Holocene, was characterized mainly by numerous landslides, strongly affecting the river dynamics, that produced falls, deviations and in some cases total obstructions with the formation of lakes sometimes extending for some kilometres. Moreover, particularly during the Holocene, phytoclastic and phytohermal travertine deposits were deposited in correspondence of steps along the river bed; one of these deposits, by means of radiocarbon dating, has been dated between 8260 ± 100 yr BP and 7740 ± 80 yr BP. Stromatolithic travertine is also present at the base of Holocene channels, slightly incised on the top of the upper Pleistocene alluvial plain.     

Paleoparasitological results from coprolites dated at the Pleistocene–Holocene transition as source of paleoecological evidence in Patagonia

Coprolites attributable to humans, dated from the Pleistocene–Holocene transition, obtained from the archaeological site Cerro Casa de Piedra, Santa Cruz Province, were examined for parasites. The feces were processed by rehydration and spontaneous sedimentation using conventional parasitic procedures. Helminthic eggs recovered were identified as Trichuris sp., Calodium sp., other capilariids, and ancylostomid (Nematoda), probably Hymenolepis sp. and anoplocephalid (Cestoda); one oocyst attributable to Eimeria macusaniensis (Apicomplexa) was also found. According to the life-cycles and specificity of the parasites found, it is possible to suggest that some species (i.e., E. macusaniensis and Calodium sp.) represent parasites in transit or pseudoparasitism. Paleoparasitological results revealed the existence of an intensive relationship between parasites and humans in the Pleistocene–Holocene transition in Patagonia. Evidence suggests an early association among parasites, rock shelters and hunter–gatherers in the region. It is also postulated that the ancient lifestyles associated with caves and rock shelters were conductive to illness.     

Coastal Feasts: A Pleistocene Antiquity for Resource Abundance in the Maritime Deserts of North West Australia?

ABSTRACT

Located on the edge of Australia's North West continental shelf, Barrow Island is uniquely located to address a number of research questions, such as the antiquity and changing nature of Indigenous occupation, including shifting uses of regional economic resources in response to post-glacial sea-level rise. These questions are addressed from a range of archaeological, zooarchaeological, and geoarchaeological disciplines. Although only preliminary, results to date indicate the presence of marine resources dating to before sea-level stabilization (～ 7.5 ka) that contain both dietary and utilitarian species, including high-ranked species such as sea turtle. The marine assemblages reflect a variety of habitats and substrates with a 17,000-year record for the presence of a former tidal marsh or estuary. We also note recently obtained ¹⁴C and OSL dates that extend the dietary marine faunas and initial occupation to well before 41 ka. This demonstrates that consumption of coastal resources began prior to the Holocene, when we begin to observe more widespread evidence of marine resource exploitation in the broader Canarvon Bioregion of northwest Australia. This evidence supports arguments for further research to directly test both the productivity of, and human reliance on, marine habitats from initial occupation.     

Should we expect large game specialization in the late Pleistocene? An optimal foraging perspective on early Paleoindian prey choice

Several recent studies employ foraging theory to model early Paleoindians as big game specialists who focused on hunting large bodied, high-return animals such as mammoths. In this paper, we evaluate the specialist model by identifying the range of handling times and encounter rates within which mammoth (Mammuthus columbi) specialization would occur. We continue by using allometric relationships between body size and population density in mammals to estimate encounter rates for mammoth and other North American species. Combining these two pieces of information allows for the construction of an optimal diet curve representative of late Pleistocene prey choice, given the inclusion of mammoth. Our results seriously question the model of early Paleoindians as megafaunal specialists and suggest that foragers should have pursued a wide array of taxa including not only mammoth, but the full range of ungulates and some smaller game as well. These results accord well with empirical data on prey choice from late Pleistocene archaeological contexts from across North America.     

Large Mammal Fauna from the Pleistocene Deposits of Chagyrskaya Cave Northwestern Altai (based on 2007–2011 Excavations)

The article focuses on the results of analysis of more than 100 thousand animal fossils recovered from Chagyrskaya Cave in 2007–2011. Animal remains from strata 5 and 6a result mostly from the hunting activity of wolves and cave hyenas, which used the cave as a shelter or den for breeding their offspring. In contrast, fauna remains from strata 6b and 6c at the cave's entrance zone primarily accumulated due to the hunting activities of Paleolithic humans, who mostly hunted bison (Bison priscus). To a lesser extent, they also hunted the Ovodov horse (Equus (Sussemionus) ovodovi), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), Siberian mountain goat (Capra sibirica), and argali (Ovis ammon). Animal bones representing common taxa point to the existence of steppe landscapes during the formation of stratum 6. The sediment deposition of stratum 5 supposedly proceeded under arid climatic conditions. However, small forested areas existed in river valleys and mountain gorges throughout the entire sedimentation period.     

Introduction to Star Artists

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Folklore Related to Pillboxes

SopuinTibetanmeansMongoliantribe.LegendhasitthatSopuTownshipinDainbaCountyeastoftheDaduRiverusedtobeinhabitedbyTibetans.ThislasteduntilagroupofMongoliansmovedtosettledowntheremany,manyyearsago.DuringmyrecentvisittoSopu,Ifoundaworldsteepedinancientfolklore…     

Happy to Return Home

Itwasasunnydayinearlyspring.whenanloldmaninhisearly80smetthisreporterinltheLabrangMonastery.Examiningmethroughhisblackrimmedspectacles,hewasbothtalkativeandhumorous.GaoWu,whoreturnedfromTaiwantosettledown,recalled:"Iwasbornintoaherder'sfamilyinXiaheCounty,Gannan.Beforeliberation,IlaboredfortheLivingBuddhaLancangoftheLabrangMonastery."Afterliberation,Iwasallottedlandandanimals.But,in1959,whenIwentonapilgrimagetoLhasa,IwastakenawaybytherebelstoIndia."IsettleddowninDarjeeling.Myson,Gyai…     

British Aid to Tibe

YagrigangisavillageinMaizhokunggar,Lhasa.Inthepast.abouthalfofthe264villagerssufferedfromdeformedbonesresultingfromdrinkingwaterlackingcalciumIn1991,theBritishSocietyforSufferingChildreninvested110.000yuantoinstallatapwatersystem.And,intheensuingyears,withaidfromthelocalauthorityconcerned,ittrainedmedicalorderliesforthevillage.Arecentphysicalexaminationshowsonlytwochildrenareslightlysufferingfromdeformedbonediseasetoday.TheBritishsocietybegantoworkonTibetinearly1990withassistancefromtheChi…     

Making Contribution to Hometown

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Drive to Northern Tibet

Fist Leg：Xainza The periods between March and May or between October and December are the best times for going to northern Tibet,when there is no rainy season,cars will not get stuck and it is not too cold.