阿以冲突的历史由来及对人们的启示

夹杂着错综复杂的民族和宗教矛盾以及大国背景的阿以冲突,已成为当今国际社会最为关注的热点问题。回顾阿以冲突的历史由来,展现在世人面前的是一幅两个民族的苦难图景,留在人们心灵深处的则是和平与发展的历史思考。人们有理由相信,阿、犹两个民族终将有一天会和平相处、共同发展,为中东乃至世界的和平做出贡献。     

叙利亚与两伊战争

叙利亚为了维护国家利益和阿萨德阿拉维派复兴党统治集团的利益,基于现实矛盾、地缘政治和教派因素,在两伊战争中从军事、外交和经济方面支持伊朗,反对伊拉克,叙利亚的两伊政策因两伊战争的进程和阿以冲突的起伏而呈现出阶段性特征,并对叙利亚和伊朗及中东地缘政治产生了重要影响。     

由民族自决原则看以色列建国问题

自以色列建国以来,阿以冲突从未间断,巴勒斯坦问题始终是国际社会关注的焦点。本文从民族自决原则这一视角对犹太民族复兴运动及以色列建国问题进行探讨。犹太民族虽饱受凌辱和磨难,但仍不失为发育完全的严格意义上的民族,为了生存下去而行使民族自决权建立自己的国家理应是历史的必然,应予以肯定。     

犹太民族与土地的特殊关系

犹太民族的历史从某种意义上说就是犹太民族与土地关系的发展史,这是因为犹太民族的每一次历史变迁都是犹太民族与土地关系的变迁：犹太民族的大流散是其失去土地的时期;犹太复国主义运动是犹太民族重新拥有土地的过程;以色列建国是两千多年来犹太民族第一次以主权国家身份拥有土地;阿以矛盾和冲突的根本原因在于对土地的争夺,而这一矛盾和冲突的最终解决依然要回到土地问题上来。所以说,犹太民族与土地有着非常特殊的关系     

试论义和团时期山西的民教冲突

义和团运动时期是中国近代史上民教冲突的集中爆发期,这一时期的山西,因为邻近运动的发源地与地方官员强烈的仇教态度,最终出现了激烈的民教冲突。本文试从地方官绅的参与以及中央政府的态度等方面对这一时期山西的民教冲突进行论述,以期能对这一问题有透彻的认识。     

论非洲的族际冲突

冷战结束后,族际冲突成为世人瞩目的焦点问题。“从南非各城市的边缘地带到斯里兰卡海岸,从科索沃的山谷到巴斯克山区,武器的铿锵声已经发出。”“族际冲突最有可能成为２１世纪的政治问题。民族自决的教义作为２０世纪的典型诉求之一,将成为２１世纪的咒语。”①非洲...     

全球化进程中的民族主义

全球化问题自80年代开始真正成为西方学术界瞩目并研究的对象,研究的发展势头迅猛。其中涉及全球化与民族主义之间关系的研究,大致可分为以下三种基本的潮流：第一是从原现代化学派发展起来的观点,即认为全球化是一种经济发展、政治民主化和观念西方化的过程,在这一过程中,民族主义终将成为“文明冲突”的根源;第二是以原依附论和世界体系论为     

论国际冲突研究的文化视野

20世纪90年代以来,国外学界对于国际冲突的研究逐步突破了以往只关注政治和经济因素的局限,越来越重视对文化因素的考察。本文力图从微观、中观和宏观三个层次对进行国际冲突研究所应具有的文化视野进行阐释,指出注重剖析国际冲突中文化因素的角色和作用、揭示文化视角下国际冲突在多元文化互动中的作用和影响、了解文化在国际冲突研究的理论建构中的运用和意义等构成了研究者必须体察的三项要素。本文还指出在分析国际冲突的过程中,文化分析只是对政治、经济、军事等分析角度的一种补充,绝不能因此忽视或否定其他因素的作用;冷战后西方文化价值观的强力输出对不少非西方国家的内部稳定构成了威胁,帝国主义的文化扩张已经成为当代国际冲突的主要根源之一。     

浅析组织中的建设性冲突及其管理

冲突已经成为一种十分普遍的组织现象,冲突管理水平的高低直接影响着组织目标的实现。全面分析、研究冲突有利于组织的管理者和其成员提高对冲突管理能力的认识,使冲突的破坏性后果最小化。对建设性冲突进行有效的管理,有利于组织搞好内部管理,协调成员之间、部门之间关系,是提高组织内部成员业务水平、提升整个组织管理水平、使组织达到整体效率最优的必要手段。     

当代科索沃问题的国际政治因素

科索沃问题如同近代以来巴尔干半岛内部分裂一样,不仅是此前漫长历史演变的结果,更是现当代国际政治角逐和巴尔干各国利益冲突的结果。巴尔干半岛各国经济利益、政治关怀、民族构成、宗教信仰和文化基础的多样性造成了该地区复杂的政治、民族、文化和宗教冲突,消解这些分裂因素的力量极为软弱。特别是多种国际势力的介入促使该地区问题成为难以化解的"死结",推动各种对立因素呈现出爆炸性的冲突。科索沃单方面宣布独立无助于当地民族冲突问题的解决,并为巴尔干地区更大规模的种族对立埋下伏笔。     

The chance for change in the Arab world: Egypt's uprising

As the largest Arab country, Egypt has always played a crucial role in the politics of the Arab world; however, the internal political dynamics of Egypt have until the January 2011 uprising hardly attracted a glance from international observers. This article gives an overview of the political arena and the various political forces at play in post‐Mubarak Egypt. With many unpredictable variables currently at play in Egyptian politics, the result of the elections scheduled for November 2011 will likely surprise many, both within the country and beyond. The article also looks at what impact the political changes in Egypt may have had on the relationship between Egypt and Israel. There have been increasingly frequent demands within Egypt to revise the Camp David accords—but not at the expense of war with Israel. While Israel is unlikely to accept any calls to revise the peace treaty, Arab public opinion has become newly relevant for policy‐makers and Israel will have to make corresponding adjustments to its regional security strategy.     

Representations of Islam and Arab Societies in Western Secondary Textbooks

Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the textbooks in Arab and Islamic nation‐states have been carefully critiqued for any content that Westerners view as promoting hate or violence against non‐Muslims. Very little has been said, however, about the portrayals of Islamic and Arab society in Western textbooks. This report investigates the perspectives and ideologies concerning representations of Islam and Arab societies in textbooks worldwide, and specifically in Western countries' national education systems. Seventy‐two textbooks from 15 Western countries and Israel were examined to investigate the included and excluded content related to Islam and Arab societies. This research found that those countries with either an immediate stake in the Middle East (e.g., Israel) or an immediate past stake in the region (e.g., the United Kingdom) were the most likely to include coverage of Islam and Arab societies in secondary textbooks. The major findings of this research, however, are that content related to contemporary Islam and Arab societies in Western secondary‐level textbooks is overwhelmingly related to terrorism and terrorists, the Arab/Israeli conflict, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. The majority of content related to contemporary Islam and Arab societies represents Muslims and their communities as: 1) socially, politically, and economically repressed; 2) religiously and ideologically oppressed; and 3) both typically and frequently violent.     

The French Radical Right: From Anti-Semitic Zionism to Anti-Semitic Anti-Zionism

This article highlights the deep ambiguities of the French radical right's vision of the future of the Jews. While being hostile to the Jews' integration into the French nation—whose Catholic nature they are alleged to corrupt by promoting Anglo-Saxon liberal and cosmopolitan values—the far right at first manifested sympathy for Zionism, the perfect solution for expelling the Jews. At the same time, although it despised Arab immigrants in France, it nonetheless had a positive view of the values of the Arab world, seen as being hostile to money. Subsequently, except for the period of the Algerian War, when its interests seemed to coincide with those of Israel, the far right became fervently anti-Zionist. Today it rushes to the aid of the Arab world (from Palestine to Iraq), which is seen as dominated by the State of Israel, an instrument of international capitalism.     

新世纪初以色列的地缘经济战略刍议

二十世纪后期以来的经济全球化、区域集团化的发展趋势表明,世界经济已经开始向地缘经济时代迈进。本文从双边合作和多边合作的角度分析了以色列与周缘国家开展地缘经济合作的现状,并在此基础上提出了以色列发展地缘经济合作的政治、经济和社会目标,最后探讨了其地缘经济合作战略的三层次模式:项目合作、次区域合作和核心扩散合作。     

从阿拉伯民族主义到巴勒斯坦民族主义——巴勒斯坦民族的成长历程

巴勒斯坦民族经历了从“潜在民族”→“自在民族”→“自觉民族”的过程。在思想领域,巴勒斯坦人经历了从阿拉伯民族主义到巴勒斯坦民族主义的转变。在完成了这一转变后,美国、以色列和国际社会才把解决巴勒斯坦问题的重心从阿拉伯国家转移到巴勒斯坦人身上,才使中东和平进程步入了正确轨道。     

Absent Regions: Spaces of Financialisation in the Arab World

This paper examines processes of financialisation in the Arab world, a region that has been almost completely absent from the wider financial literature. The paper shows that financialisation is much more than simply the expansion of financial markets within neatly bounded sets of social relations operating at the national scale. In the Arab world, financialisation has been marked by the growing weight of regional finance capital—most specifically, those capital groups based in the Gulf Cooperation Council—in circuits of capital operating at all scales. This has important implications for processes of class and state formation. Approaching financialisation in this manner—moving away from methodologically nationalist assumptions and the literature's largely singular focus on the advanced capitalist core—brings into focus the significance of cross‐scalar accumulation patterns, their spatial hierarchies, and geographic unevenness. The paper thus reaffirms the need for a more spatially sensitive approach to financialisation.     

The Suez Crisis of 1956 as a moment of transnational humanitarian engagement

Abstract

The Suez Crisis of 1956 is generally seen in historical research as a moment both of Great Britain’s imperial decline and of Egyptian and Arab political self-determination in the Middle East. Yet the humanitarian aspect of this crisis is still neglected, even though it provoked important humanitarian engagements from different sides, Arab as well as Western. By focusing on the Red Cross and the Red Crescent Movement, this article investigates not only motives, forms and structures of humanitarian relief, but also analyses the successes and difficulties of transnational co-operation between Western and non-Western agencies with a special focus on the application of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Finally, the article addresses the political dimension beyond concrete forms of help by arguing that the Suez Crisis attested to both the persistence of post-colonial structures and the institutionalisation of new, transnational patterns of co-operation.     

The cloak,the cage and the fog of sanctity: the Zionist mission and the role of religion among Arab Jews*

Abstract. This paper examines the Zionist national mission to mobilise Jewish ethnic communities in Arab countries, in the period preceding the establishment of the state of Israel. It draws on archival texts to trace a phenomenon known in Jewish historiography as ‘Shadarut’; a voluntary religious practice of fundraising which was widespread in the Jewish world for hundreds of years. The paper shows how this pre‐national religious practice (to be labelled ‘the cloak’) was adopted and incorporated into the Zionist national project (‘the cage’), first generating tension between the Jewish religious establishment and the Zionist ‘secular’ movement, and then blurring the distinction between Judaism as a religion and Judaism as a national identity. The paper shows how secular emissaries of European origin arrived in Arab countries as religious emissaries (‘shadarim’) and aspired to discover a strong religious fervour among members of the Jewish communities there. This is because in the eyes of the Zionist (ostensibly secular) movement, being religious Jews in Islamic countries was a criterion that demarcated them from their Arab neighbours. This analysis entails two main conclusions: (a) that contrary to the experience of the European Zionist national movement in which secularism and the revolt against the Jewish religion played a central role, in Islamic countries it was particularly the Jewish religion, and not secular nationalism that was used to mobilise the Jewish community into the Jewish national movement; (b) that the ‘shadarut’ practice refuses to yield to the epistemological imperatives and the common divisions that arise from the binary distinction between ‘religiousness’ and ‘secularity’, particularly in the Middle East. Some implications for contemporary Israeli society are discussed.     

The Arab Peace Initiative: Now or Never

It has been almost a year now since President Obama set out for Cairo to deliver what has been seen as one of the largest overtures by the United States to publicly engage the Middle East. Unfortunately, despite the high hopes that this new administration garnered and the continuous efforts of high‐level American officials to put an end to the Arab–Israeli conflict, there is little fruit to bear on the ground. More often than not, the diplomatic breaches and hurdles to even get to the negotiating table have consumed the headlines, and 1 year later the multilateral relations in the region seem tepid at best. The repeated failures of the bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and Syria may be attributed to a number of factors, including a deep‐seated mistrust that has not been addressed, concerns over the long‐term security, and domestic political constraints to make the required concessions to reach an agreement. Yet while all of these elements contributed to the despondent current state of affairs, the one critical missing ingredient has been the absence of a comprehensive framework for peace representing the collective will of the Arab states. Now more than ever, the Arab Peace Initiative (API) offers the best possible chance of achieving an inclusive peace, provided that all parties to the conflict understand its significance and historic implications that have eluded all parties for more than six decades. The likelihood that the current lull in violence will continue if no progress is made on the political front is slim. If the Arab states want to show a united front, especially as the Iranian nuclear advances threaten the regional balance of power, they must finally and publically resolve to promote the API in earnest.     

Powerful State,Powerless Mediator: The United States and the Peace Efforts of the Palestine Conciliation Commission, 1949–51

The Arab–Israeli War of 1948 produced complex questions that needed to be solved to obtain peace. Whereas the Arab states suffered humiliating defeats, Israel was the undisputed winner, expanding and solidifying its power. For the Palestinians, the outcome was catastrophic. Between 600,000 and 760,000 Palestinians fled, becoming refugees on the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and in surrounding Arab states. Palestinian society collapsed and Palestine became divided between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan, leaving the borders undecided. The Palestinians’ dreams of statehood were crushed. After the war, Israel used diplomacy to achieve its goals, defending the post-war status quo to preserve its expanded territory and resisting the return of Palestinian refugees. Through its membership in the Palestine Conciliation Commission (PCC), established by the United Nations (UN) in 1948 to solve these problems, the United States was deeply involved in the negotiations. The United States became the informal, yet undisputed leader of the PCC, thus, it would seem, empowering it with the muscles of a superpower. After three years of struggling for peace the PCC had toadmit failure. Knowledge about these negotiations gives important insights into how mediators approached the conflict and shows that power asymmetry may explain why the belligerents could not obtain peace.