试论红军在贵州活动期间党的民族政策的运用

中国工农红军在贵州活动期间,将马克思主义的民族理论和政策与贵州少数民族地区的实际情况相结合,做了大量的民族工作,提出了许多处理民族问题的纲领和政策,帮助贵州少数民族人民建立了政权组织和武装力量,这一时期制定的民族纲领政策及民族工作方面的实践经验对中国共产党的整个民族理论体系的初步形成有重要的意义。     

加强辽宁省民族政策建设的思考

党的十一届三中全会以来,辽宁省委、省政府结合辽宁的实际,制定了一系列解决民族问题的方针和政策,这些政策通过几十年的落实实践,使全省少数民族和民族地区的各项事业取得了很大成绩。但是,伴随着改革开放以来辽宁的民族关系出现的新情况、新问题,如何顺应市场经济的运行规律,对民族政策进行相应的调整和完善,以巩固和发展平等、团结、互助、和谐的民族关系,这是摆在全省各级党委、政府以及民族工作部门面前的一个十分重要而紧迫的课题。本文根据笔者近年对辽宁省民族政策执行情况的调查,仅就部分民族政策的落实情况、实践中出现的问题以及加强有关民族政策建设等方面,提出一些粗浅认识和看法。     

中国工农红军布告

一九三五年五月中央紅军在通过川康交界的彝族地区时,正确执行了党的民族政策,取得了彝族兄弟的帮助。这是当时的布告(現存中央革命博物館)     

政策过程与行为主体:20世纪60年代初高校毕业干部清理收回工作研究

1961年城镇人口精简工作开展以后,一些地方对部分高等学校毕业干部作了退职处理。不久,中央要求对他们予以调查、清理和收回。由于初始阶段一些政策执行主体行动较慢,上级调整了激励机制,清理收回工作的执行力度、速度有所提升,高校毕业干部清理收回工作取得了一定成绩。但因部分政策对象对清理收回工作的不配合,以及工作后期政策制定主体、执行主体等因素的作用,政策原初目标与最终成效并非完全吻合。从政策过程角度视之,政策成效虽受制于政策制定主体的相对自主性,但政策执行主体的政治、情感、利益等倾向性因素也会在相当大程度上影响政策执行,并促推政策制定的再回应。与此同时,政策对象并非完全的被动接收方,他们既给予政策执行主体以反馈,也波及政策成效。     

中亚国家的民族政策：理论与实践

本文主要论述中亚五国-哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、土库曼斯坦和塔吉克斯坦-独立10年来民族理论和民族政策的变化情况以及它们在民族工作方面存在的问题。文章认为,中亚国家在不断反思,修正苏联时期的民族理论和借鉴他国民族工作经验的基础上,提出了自己的民族理论,并制定了大致适合本国国情的民族政策,保证了国内形势的稳定,但由于一些理论观点还不够系统、成熟和条理化,民族政策还缺乏具体,周密的保障措施,为此,中亚国家的民族理论和民族政策还须不断完善。     

1957年以来内蒙古自治区古代文化遗址及墓葬的发现情况简报

内蒙古自治区成立以来,各级党委和政府对于文物保护工作极为重视,贯彻执行中央保护文物政策法令,开展群众性文物保护工作,取得了很大的成就,发现了极其丰富多彩的古代文物,为研究民族地区历史文化提供了一系列有价值的资料;并对某些古代文化的时代划分和社会性质,有了一些新的认识。1957年以前的内蒙古自治区文物工作情况     

我参加落实民族政策的经历

1961年7月11日至8月4日,中共中央西北局在兰州召开了第一次民族工作会议。会议“着重地讨论了一九五八年以来西北的牧区工作和牧区人民公社工作,同时,也认真地检查了一九五八年以来,贯视执行党的民族、宗教政策的情况,初步总结了这一方面的主要经验,研究了改进工作的方针和办法”（《纪要》原文）。会议通过了《第一次西北民族工作会议纪要》,并上报中共中央。同年12月6日,中共中央批转了会议纪要（见《建国以来重要文献选编》第十四册）。     

新民主主义革命时期中国共产党的民族工作机构

在我们党的历史上所设立的第一个专门的民族工作机构,是建立于1935年8月的中央民族委员会。1936年7月,中央政治局常委会议决定成立了更为完备的民族工作专门机构—中共中央少数民族工作委员会。抗日战争时期,陕甘宁边区开创了党、政两个部门同时设立民族工作专门机构的先河。民族工作专门机构的设立,为民族问题的深入调查研究、党的民族纲领政策的正确制定和实施、加强党对民族工作的领导和管理,均提供了有力的组织保障。     

辽宁省少数民族干部政策贯彻落实情况的调查报告

改革开放以来,为了适应新形势的发展,中央对少数民族干部政策进行了较大幅度的调整。辽宁省各级党委、政府高度重视培养选拔少数民族干部工作,全面贯彻执行党的民族政策,从辽宁省的实际出发,采取有效措施,取得了明显成效。当然,目前辽宁省落实少数民族干部政策也存在一些问题．就是少数民族干部的结构体系存在着比例不合理的同题,主要表现在少数民族干部的数量结构同题、化知识结构问题,少数民族专业技术人才的外流等问题。针对这些问题,笔建议,应通过民族政策的词整及完善,以实现民族干部结构的相对协调。     

读曾希圣给中央的检查

1962年1月11日至2月7日,中共中央在北京召开扩大的中央工作会议,因为有七千多人参加,故又称“七千人大会”。当时的中共中央华东局第二书记兼安徽省委第一书记曾希圣,于2月3日在安徽代表团会议上作了第一次检查。与会的安徽代表对他的检查非常不满意,向中央反映,要求继续开会,揭盖子,中央同意了。     

1976～1978年间的中国对外贸易

十一届三中全会前夕,在中共中央、国务院"对外贸易要有一个大的发展"的号召下,中国的对外贸易开始启动,中外贸易团体往来频繁,中国政府在完善原有对外贸易机构的同时,通过召开专题研讨会、派出国小组国外调研、定期举办商品交易会等方式,为发展对外贸易创造良好的条件。由此,1976～1978年间中国的进出口贸易发展迅速,并同世界上许多国家签订了一系列贸易协定。这是十一届三中全会上确定进一步发展对外贸易的基础,为后来中国对外贸易的发展创造了条件。     

Mixed Outcomes: The Impact of Regional Autonomy and Decentralization on Indigenous Ethnic Minorities in Indonesia

This article examines how indigenous ethnic minorities in Indonesia are being affected by the implementation of decentralization and regional autonomy policies. New legislation transferred responsibility and authority over various issues, including resource extraction and local governance, from the central government to regional authorities at the district level. Members of the growing indigenous rights movement hoped that this decentralization process would allow ethnic minority communities to retain or regain control over natural resources through local‐level politics. Furthermore, some ethnic minorities saw the implementation of decentralization as an opportunity to return to local forms of land tenure and resource management that had been disparaged by the national government for most of the twentieth century. However, these new laws also encourage district level governments to generate income through natural resource exploitation, as they will receive a certain percentage of these revenues. Minority communities could be adversely affected as local governments disregard their land rights in efforts to raise income to cover their new expenses, essentially continuing the practices of previous governments. This article examines the new opportunities, as well as the new threats, posed by decentralization to ethnic minorities throughout Indonesia.     

Issues and Opportunities in Planning and Managing Nature‐based Tourism in the Central Coast Region of Western Australia

Research reported here identified planning and management issues relating to integrated development of nature‐based tourism in the Central Coast Region of Western Australia. Stakeholder views were gauged through a workshop involving 45 people and a series of interviews. The workshop was also designed to stimulate interest in the establishment of a regionally, integrated tourism group to address any issues identified. Participants included members of the tourism industry, the community, and representatives of government and non‐government organisations. Seven individuals participated in interviews, including the chief executive officers of the local authorities and regional development commissions. The results indicate that the regional tourism industry is fragmented and uncoordinated, which is hindering regional development. Implementation of regional tourism planning is virtually non‐existent in the Central Coast, due to the lack of a regional tourism policy. Management of tourism resources is restricted by limited coordination between industry and government, and especially by inadequate resource provision to local authorities and land management agencies. An outcome of the workshop was the formation of a regionally integrated tourism group, the Turquoise Coast Sustainable Development Steering Committee, to implement recommendations arising from the workshop. However, the group has met with limited successes to date, owing to a range of political and sectoral issues beyond the scope of tourism planning. The research highlights difficulties in implementing collaborative tourism planning initiatives at the regional scale.     

遵义会议前中共中央高层权力的转移:对毛泽东领导权威形成的历史考察

斯大林和共产国际鉴于中共中央屡屡出现的"路线错误",以留苏学生担纲改组了中共最高领导层。以博古为首的临时中央,是"国际路线"不折不扣的执行者。第五次反"围剿"的失败,使"国际路线"的正确性受到怀疑,"国际派"内部也顿生罅隙。毛泽东在长征途中争取了"国际派"成员张闻天、王稼祥的支持,在政治局中结成"小三人团"。红军湘江惨败后,中央最高"三人团"的威信直落谷底,出现严重的信任危机。在红军存亡之际,毛泽东提出新的进军路线,得到多数人的赞同。周恩来继张、王之后,转向毛泽东一边,瓦解了最高"三人团"的最后抵抗。由此,中央的实际权力开始转到了"小三人团"的手里,为遵义会议的召开和改组中央领导机构,做好了组织上的铺垫。     

Ethnic minorities and the planning system in Britain and Sweden

This article, based on a questionnaire survey among planning authorities in Britain and Sweden, compares the sensitivity of the planning systems to the needs and aspirations of ethnic minorities. It also examines how ethnic disadvantage and discrimination impinge upon the working of the planning system. Despite different histories of immigration and politics of 'race', planning practice in both countries is notably devoid of widespread evidence of efforts to make the planning system more sensitive to the needs of ethnic minorities. Moreover, the current political uncertainty with regards to immigration and immigration policies inhibits such efforts. Nevertheless, there are differences in detail between the two countries which it is argued reflect differences in planners' professional organization and political mobilization among ethnic minorities.     

American propaganda and Ireland during world war one: the work of the Committee on Public Information

Soon after America entered the war in April 1917, President Woodrow Wilson established the Committee on Public Information (CPI) which used the tools of propaganda and persuasion to fight the war in the US and in allied, enemy and neutral foreign countries. This article examines the CPI’s work in relation to Ireland and Irish issues during the First World War. Among the questions examined are: What was the nature of the CPI’s Irish work between 1917 and 1918? What does it reveal about first, the CPI and second, Wilson’s view of Irish-American loyalty during the war? Why did the CPI’s British and Irish services become involved in Irish military recruitment? Was there any contact between the CPI officials in London and their British counterparts in the Ministry of Information to co-ordinate the push to encourage Irishmen to enlist? How did the CPI negotiate a space for its messages in post-rising Ireland where home rulers, republicans, unionists and British authorities pursued their respective agendas? The article seeks to add an American dimension to the narrative of Ireland and the First World War and examines themes relating to Anglo-American co-operation on the Irish question and diasporic identity.     

新中国成立以来的首都地铁建设

1953年9月,中共北京市委主持制定了《改建与扩建北京市规划草案的要点》,第一次明确提出“必须及早筹划地下铁道的建设”,从此拉开了北京地铁建设的序幕。北京地铁的建设一开始就与战备连在了一起,在线路方案和埋设深度等方面,军方的意见受到重视。与此同时,相关部门进行了一系列前期的规划与施工准备工作。但1961年由于经济困难,中央决定北京地铁建设暂时下马。此后由于国际形势趋于紧张,我国面临战争威胁,1965年北京地铁开始恢复建设,并成立了以军方领导人为主的地铁建设领导小组。1989年12月20日,地铁“一环一线”通过了国家验收正式投入运营。现在,北京地铁已从最初的“战备为主,兼顾交通”转变为以交通运营为中心,在城市交通中发挥着越来越重要的作用。     

Muslims' nation‐building process in socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s

During the 1960s, the Yugoslav Socialist authorities gradually recognised Bosnia and Herzegovina's Muslims as a nation. Interestingly, in the 1940s, the Yugoslav Communist leaders refused to consider Muslims even as an ethnic group and saw them only as a religious community whose members had to designate themselves as Serbs or Croats. Why did the regime decide to recognise Muslims as a nation in the 1960s, whereas 20 years earlier they supported the opposite position? To understand the shift, this nation‐building process must be understood as the result of a dual dynamic on the federal and the republican level, where important changes occurred. At the federal one, the Communist authorities initiated a decentralisation process within the context of Yugoslav self‐management in the 1950s, which significantly reinforced the republic elites. This coincided with the resurgence of the national question in the whole of Yugoslavia. Simultaneously, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a new elite progressively rose to power in the 1960s and put the ‘Muslim question’ on the political agenda. This led to the gradual increase in status of the Muslims from a religious community to an ethnic group at the beginning of the 1960s and then to a nation at the end of the decade.     

"二二八"事件中国民政府派兵问题再探讨

“二二八”事件是台湾光复后一股强烈的民怨所引发的政治事件。爆发之初的一周内 ,台湾当局未向国民政府请兵镇压 ,而是千方百计地封锁消息。然而 ,由于台湾当局对局势的错误估计和官僚态度 ,台湾局势逐渐失控。面对当时复杂、混乱的局面 ,台湾当局反应过度 ,将台湾民众正常的政治要求错误地定性为暴乱 ,向中央政府请兵赴台。国民政府 (主要是蒋介石 )在错误信息下进行了错误的判断和错误的决策 ,派兵赴台镇压 ,终于酿成惨案     

Varieties of nationalism in the political discourses of Habsburg Austria

Nationalism in the Habsburg Empire is traditionally viewed through an ethnic lens. Despite a growing literature on ‘national indifference’ that studies nationalism in Habsburg central Europe from a constructivist perspective and advances our knowledge concerning variations in national identifications, the nationalism implied in these works remains largely limited to an exclusionary ethnic type. This reductionist view of central European nationalism mirrors the traditional dichotomy of ethnic ‘Eastern’ versus civic ‘Western’ nationalism. In order to avoid this reduction, this article approaches nationalism as a thin-centred ideology and explores varieties of nationalism in Habsburg Austria during the long 19th century. Although certain ideational paths made ethno-nationalism appear, retrospectively, as a quasi-natural feature of central Europe, the findings show that there developed rival discursive traditions of nationalism and competing representations of nation.