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Abstract. This article examines dimensions of ethnic distance in two wartime surveys of university students in Croatia. The data from the surveys is interpreted together with the content analysis of the Croatian daily newspaper vjesnik. The article draws its central conclusion from the striking similarities between the media's depiction of various ethnic groups and the dimensions of ethnic distance towards these groups. In 1992 the prime targets of ethnic distance were Serbs and Montenegrins, while in 1993 Bosnian Moslems received similar attention. Since the majority of respondents had no war experience the authors conclude that the media's influence on popular attitudes was a crucial determinant of ethnic distance. Considering that most of the media is government-controlled, it is argued that changes observed within these two years can be primarily attributed to the concrete political goals of power possessors.  相似文献   

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This paper deals with the use of military or militarized experts for cultural property protection (CPP) during times of conflict. CPP activities generally take place within a juridical framework that gives obligations for all parties involved, primarily the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, and attention is paid to various implications and challenges that occur when implementing military CPP obligations within this framework. To illustrate matters, the paper details a speci?c case study from the author’s own ?eld experience in the safeguarding of the archaeological site of Uruk in Iraq. Aspects, including economic, legal, ?nancial, and educational implications, are presented and these are especially relevant since they apply (to an extent) to other situations, such as the recent cultural disasters in Egypt, Libya, and Syria. The Uruk case study is used to suggest a number of key elements that are vital for the implementation of an effective CPP strategy in the context of military operations. Overall, the importance of international cooperation, training, and education, along with the assistance of civil reach-back capabilities, is emphasized. The paper argues that an effective way to protect Cultural Property during armed conflicts is through military channels and with military logistics and tools. To ful?l CPP in agreement with International Humanitarian Law (IHL) joint preparations in peacetime are necessary. The handover of military initiated CPP projects to civil authorities has to take place as soon as the situation permits. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the issue of ethnic minorities, specifically the Chaldo‐Assyrians in Iraq. It gives a historical background, present demography, and points out group locations, mainly in Nineveh Province. It proposes a possible solution to the issue by suggesting autonomy for the group as crucial to its security and survival. It also presents a counter‐argument for autonomy. The article discusses the attitude of the Arabs and the Kurds to such proposals and compares Iraq and Kurdistan's constitutions in regard to minorities' rights. Finally, the author assesses if autonomy is a realistic approach to solve the Chaldo‐Assyrian problem in Iraq.  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(3):361-374
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America and its allies took a bold step in launching a pre-emptive strike hoping to create a safer and better world. They did not possess a complete knowledge of the facts. They did not present a simple calculus to justify the action. They decided it was better to act than twiddle their thumbs wondering when and how a menacing regime would fulfill its threats. Their critics might prove them wrong. The pretext for going to war was questionable. The attempt to change the political landscape seems doomed to failure. But foolish people are the ones who dare to dream and act. Their activity is less than perfect and their success never guaranteed, but sometimes the God of all mercy uses what cannot stand on its own merit and effort and blesses it through the omnipotence of his will.  相似文献   

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This article draws together early military implications of a campaign where intensive operations lasted barely a month. The deeper insights will need much more time for the post operations reports to be written, detailed battle assessments to be made, and the key decision-makers to record their thinking. As far as is possible, the article deals with the purely military aspects of the campaign. The promise of a decade of development of high technology air power was expected by some to show a new way of fighting wars. The evidence from the campaign appears to give a more mixed message. Certainly, a higher proportion of air weapons was guided in this conflict than in any previous war. Strategic intelligence appears to have been less accurate than had been expected. The unexpected initial resistance by Iraqi forces, followed by later capitulation, required flexible coalition operations. The spectre of the use of chemical and biological weapons proved unfounded. The effectiveness of special operations will be one area for deeper study. The media strategy will need reviewing for future operations. At this stage, the article does no more than record the sequence of events, make broad judgements about the strategic and tactical approaches of both the Coalition and Iraqi forces, and highlights areas where further investigation may be useful to draw firmer conclusions.  相似文献   

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Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (Allen Lane, 2000), pp. xiv + 686, index.  相似文献   

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岳钦韬 《史学集刊》2012,(1):113-120
抗战爆发后,传统的社会心理因素与国家政权的压力阻碍了部分民众抗敌意识的形成,抗敌意识薄弱是通敌行为的重要前因。通敌行为包含着主动与被动的复杂动机:主动方面包括借机恢复地位、伺机为非作歹、出面"保护"地方、"曲线救国"任务、经济利益驱使、人际关系与情感因素等;被动方面有现实生活压力、无知与盲目、日伪强权压迫、时间因素等。总体而言,大多数民众终究还是回到对现实生活的诉求,将个人生存放在首要位置。  相似文献   

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In March 1965 a group of Anglican bishops signed an open letter to the prime minister of Australia, Sir Robert Menzies, expressing its concerns about the rapid deterioration of the situation in Vietnam. The letter had been composed by the retired Bishop of Armidale, John Stoward Moyes. The bishops urged Menzies to use his influence with the United States Government to ensure that the possibility of a negotiated settlement of the conflict could be explored to the full. The letter, and the prime minister's public response, thrust John Moyes and his episcopal co‐signatories into the centre of a national debate on Vietnam. Following Menzies's brusque reply, Moyes composed a second and more critical open letter. The prime minister then issued a more detailed response one week before he committed Australian combat troops to the Vietnam War. The initiative taken by Bishop Moyes constituted the first major instance of public debate in Australia concerning the wisdom and morality of the government's policy on Vietnam.  相似文献   

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