“死亡医生”杰克

作为专业医生,他并没有投入毕生精力去救死扶伤,而是成了安乐死的积极倡导者,在1990至1998年间一共协助130名病人自杀     

是仁慈医生还是连环杀手

"他是天使!""他是魔鬼!"这样两种截然相反的评价,指向的却是同一个人——6月1日刚从监狱中获得假释的美国人杰克·凯沃尔基安。这位被美国媒体称作"死亡医生"、"死亡代名词"的人,自称曾协助大约130名病人实施自杀。当他走出监狱的那一刻,有人举着"杰克,我们很高兴你出来了"的牌子,但也有宗教团体继续将他称作"连环杀     

上海因婚自杀报道与实施新《婚姻法》动员

解放初期的上海,由于旧的家庭婚姻制度的影响,家庭婚姻矛盾导致的自杀事件时有发生。党和政府为了使人民过上幸福的家庭生活,颁布了新《婚姻法》。在宣传与落实《婚姻法》的运动中,媒体将受封建婚姻制度迫害、不懂《婚姻法》和干部干涉婚姻自由导致的自杀作为典型案例予以报道,说明实施新《婚姻法》的必要性和紧迫性。同时,要求从宣传、教育及惩治犯罪分子,改进干部作风等方面预防因婚自杀的发生。通过因婚自杀案例的剖析,使人们深刻认识到不认真切实地实施新《婚姻法》,就会导致自杀这种极端事件的发生。从而营造良好的舆论氛围,宣传新《婚姻法》就是"救命法",增强民众对新《婚姻法》的理解和认同,达到较好的宣传和社会动员效果。     

作为一种死亡观的安乐死

从死亡观的角度审视安乐死,可以澄清人们对安乐死一些错误认识。作为一种死亡观,安乐死的产生有其历史必然性,它与中国传统死亡观有着本质的区别。     

对中国安乐死问题的伦理学研究

安乐死问题随着时间的推移和观念变化而出现,它涉及法律、社会学、医学、生物学和伦理学等多个学科领域。尽管它与中国传统伦理观念存在冲突,但在合理情况下应视为善的的行为。中国安乐死要想合法化,应充分考虑生命伦理观、伦理依据及条件。     

尊重幼儿权利,促进幼儿发展

幼儿生来就有尊严和价值,我们应该把幼儿看成处在生命的最初阶段,正在逐步发展成为一个完整的、社会性的、享有人类一切权利的人。《儿童权利公约》以及我国颁布的《未成人保护法》等法律法规中均规定了幼儿的权利     

尊严与道德:从康德的“目的王国”看人的尊严

在康德的"目的王国"里,尊严是最高价值的存在。人的尊严既是一种合目的性的存在,同时也是一种道德的存在。道德是人的尊严存在的价值依据,这种价值依据主要体现在四个方面:一、尊严以独立性为前提;二、尊严以责任为载体;三、尊严通过权利体现出来;四、尊严导向的是道德与幸福的统一。而尊严最终只有在道德王国与自然王国的统一中才能实现。     

美国马里兰州的精明增长政策

20世纪70年代,美国兴起了以限制大都市区蔓延为目的的增长管理运动。90年代,该运动发展成一场内容更加广泛的精明增长运动。1997年,马里兰州议会通过了《精明增长和邻里保护总决议》,核心为"优先资助区法"和"乡村遗产法"。马里兰州精明增长政策的最大特征是以激励机制为主。这既不同于加州自下而上的分散的增长管理政策,也不同于俄勒冈州自上而下的具有强制力的增长管理政策,属于第三条道路。这一特征的优点在于减少了地方政府的抵制,但不足是缺乏强制性的管制机制,政策不能得到有力的贯彻执行,导致其效果大打折扣。     

书与人

《魔鬼经济学》列维特打算告诉我们这些:为什么日本人视为"神圣运动"的相扑存在大量作弊;美国的三K党是怎么忽然衰落的;贩毒集团的组织结构其实和麦当劳很相似;美国的堕胎合法化为何导致犯罪率的降低;带孩子去博物馆对他的学习成绩毫无影响……     

城市化、现代化、全球化进程中的自杀问题及预防控制之研讨

正在人类文明历史上,自杀始终是人类文明的一个"伤口",自杀被世界卫生组织认定为全球重大公共卫生问题之一。为了探讨自杀发生的原因及其预防控制问题,2017年12月16日至17日,来自国内外70余位历史学、社会学、哲学、心理学、精神病学等学科的学者,齐聚上海大学,参加由上海大学文学院、《史学月刊》编辑部、《社会》编辑部联合主办的"城市化·现代化·全球化与自杀问题国际学术研讨会",就相关议题展开了深入研讨。     

The death of the right‐to‐die campaigners (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The ‘right‐to‐die’ or assisted suicide debate in the UK has recently been dominated by high‐profile litigation which has brought to public attention stories of individual suffering. The most recent case is that of Tony Nicklinson who, as a result of his permanent and total paralysis which he said made his life ‘intolerable’, wanted the courts to allow a doctor to end his life. Only six days after a Judicial Review refused his request, Tony died of ‘natural’ causes. This article compares the presentation by the media of Tony's requested death with his actual death and discusses what this reveals more generally about the way in which the right‐to‐die debate is presented to the public. It argues that in a politicised debate in which the personal stories of the disabled‐dying are given airtime because of their didactic or symbolic potential, actual death becomes less important than the rights‐rhetoric surrounding death.     

The nationalisation of the human rights debate in Egypt

ABSTRACT. The study of nationalism in Egypt has often focused on Arab nationalism and its relevance to the post‐colonial state building process. The current article shifts the focus to the Egyptian state's strategic use of nationalism as a mechanism for survival and for shoring up its failing legitimacy. In particular, the case of the human rights debate is chosen to show the regime's most recent attempt to ‘nationalise’ a rising movement which promotes universalism and poses a threat to the notion of the nation's homogeneity. By misrepresenting human rights organisations as mouthpieces of Western imperialist powers, the regime has managed to create an image of these organisations as posing a threat to Egypt's national security and undermining its international ‘reputation’. More recently, however, the state has refined its discourse on human rights by promoting an image whereby it is the ‘official agent’ of a more nationalistically defined human rights movement.     

Beyond ethnonationalism: Transnational mobilisation and framing in Kashmir's freedom movement

Since Indian Administered Kashmir's (IAK) ‘summer of unrest’ of 2010, greater attention towards the contemporary Kashmir azadi, or freedom, movement has led to more active transnational organising by Kashmiris studying abroad as well as other young people who sympathise with this movement. Indian political elites have predominately framed the azadi movement as a separatist movement. However, this perception had not been shared by many Kashmiris who argue the territory has never legally been a part of India. The perception of being a separatist movement from outside of Kashmir has also shifted with a growing body of literature documenting human rights abuses alongside raising awareness to an international community of activists, which has led to an evolution of the azadi movement into a movement for social justice and human rights. This has been facilitated by social media spaces and heterogeneous activist groups framing their movement as aligned with other social justice movements and anti-discrimination campaigns. Framing the Kashmir self-determination movement as a human rights issue appeals to a wider spectrum of non-Kashmiri activists, especially those already involved in campaigns against the marginalisation of certain groups.     

爱国运动中的自杀事件报道与社会动员:1919-1928年

现代中国的爱国运动能发展为大规模的群众性运动,与媒体参与的社会动员密切相关。1919—1928年爱国运动中,一些爱国者为了抗议外侮、动员民众,愤极自杀。在一些爱国运动组织者的呼吁下,媒体对自杀事件的信息有选择地报道,彰显自杀行动的社会动员价值,向民众传播爱国运动的思想和主张,引导社会舆论的走向,并将公众注意力吸引到运动中最需要解决的问题之上,以此增强民众对团结御侮、一致对外的认同感,进而推动爱国运动向良性的、纵深的方向发展。通过媒体报道,自杀事件成了爱国运动中的公共事件。媒体对自杀事件的报道,也逐渐成为现代意义上爱国运动的有机组成部分。     

The survival of the pro-choice movement

In the US, the pro-choice movement has not only survived but grown stronger in the 25 years since the legalization of abortion provided its greatest victory. This longevity is explained through an examination of the internal organizational changes which have taken place in the movement as well as the external changes which have taken place in the political environment surrounding the movement. After providing a theoretical basis for this investigation, the history of the pro-choice movement in the US is traced in light of these elements. In the pre-1973 era, the movement lacked formal organization but was bolstered by external political factors provided by the protest cycle of the 1960s. During 1973-76, the actions of anti-abortion groups forced pro-choice groups to develop the more formalized organizational structures which helped the pro-choice movement survive its initial success and the decline of the era of protests. In the period 1976-83, the anti-abortion movement achieved passage of the Hyde Amendment banning federal funding of abortions. This victory by the opposition led to an expansion in the pro-choice movement which included the formation of many local reproductive rights organizations. Many of these organizations failed to create formalized structures and, therefore, failed to maintain their impetus to survive. However, NARAL (the National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws) had adopted a more formalized structure and professional leadership following the Hyde legislation and developed strong, formal connections with its state affiliates while continuing to strengthen grassroots actions. The visible threats to abortion laws mounted by the anti-abortion groups added to NARAL's strength. During 1983-89, the pro-choice movement gained some key victories which threatened its survival. Continued activity on the part of the anti-abortion groups (such as release of the movie "The Silent Scream") generated enough pro-choice support, however, to weather this period. The activities of Operation Rescue also stimulated pro-choice reactions. In the period 1989-92, the Supreme Court gave pro-choice groups a victory in its Webster vs. Reproductive Health decision. Thus, NARAL's membership grew to an unprecedented 400,000 in 1990 and allowed the group to pump money into local grassroots activities. By the time the Court issued its Casey decision in 1992, neither group was willing to claim victory, although the ruling was a great victory for pro-choice forces because although the Court allowed states to impose new restrictions to abortion, it refused to overturn Roe vs. Wade. 1992 also saw the election of a pro-choice President who was able to appoint a pro-choice Justice to the Supreme Court in 1993. The ability of the pro-choice movement to survive victory (the creation of a favorable political opportunity structure) will be decided by the critical battles surrounding attempts to limit access to abortion providers as well as the accessibility of drug-induced abortion. State legislatures will remain major battlefields because of the Court-allowed restrictions. The pro-choice movement will also have to resolve conflicts over strategy such as whether to appeal to mainstream Americans or use the favorable climate to push for rights. The pro-choice movement will likely survive because the anti-abortion groups continue to pose threats and because formal organizations with professional leadership will keep the issues before the membership.     

South Korea’s North Korean Image Problem: Human Rights under the Spotlight

ABSTRACT

The 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea (UN COI) had a decisive impact on South Korea’s approach to North Korea’s human rights abuses in the several years following its release. This article interprets moves within South Korea to support the UN COI’s recommendations as taken in the interests of ontological security, or a stable sense of identity, which has also driven the state’s broader initiatives on image management and nation branding. It extends the boundaries of nation-branding research by considering why and how a state may adopt policies that enhance its moral visibility and reputation in world affairs. It considers how a positive reputation is enhanced by demonstrating good international citizenship, promoting the visibility of state identity parameters beyond its culture and core industries. This article interprets the South Korean government’s efforts to act on North Korean human rights following the UN COI, as well as the significance of being seen to be doing so at home and abroad as security-giving behaviour asserting its moral authority in relation to North Korea. It explores how a longstanding policy of relative silence on North Korea’s human rights record acceded to identity-driven pressures arising from the UN COI and influencing South Korea’s international image-management strategy between 2014 and 2017.     

The Rising Agenda of Physician-Assisted Suicide: Explaining the Growth and Content of Morality Policy

Employing theories and methods of agenda-setting analysis, this article explains the rapid rise of physician-assisted suicide (PAS) on the national political agenda based on its status as a morality policy. PAS reached the mass agenda before the professional agenda, probably because PAS is an outgrowth of previous right-to-die policies and Dr. Jack Kevorkian's assisted suicides provided major focusing events. As in other morality policies, competing groups fight for the last word, but PAS has been blocked on most governmental agendas because its image and media tone has been mostly negative and public opinion is divided. Groups in a few generally liberal states have tried to enact policy through referenda when legislators failed to address the issue. We speculate that competing interest groups will become more active and that state courts will become a venue of choice in the future.     

The image of the city in modern literature

This article considers the meanings attached to refugeehood, repatriation and liberal citizenship in the twentieth century. Refugees are those who have been unjustly expelled from their political community. Their physical displacement is above all symbolic of a deeper political separation from the state and the citizenry. ‘Solving’ refugees’ exile is therefore not a question of halting refugees’ flight and reversing their movement, but requires political action restoring citizenship.

All three ‘durable solutions’ developed by the international community in the twentieth century – repatriation, resettlement and local integration – are intended to restore a refugee's access to citizenship, and through citizenship the protection and expression of their fundamental human rights. Yet repatriation poses particular challenges for liberal political thought. The logic of repatriation reinforces the organization of political space into bounded nation–state territories. However, it is the exclusionary consequences of national controls over political membership – and through this of access to citizenship rights – that prompt mass refugee flows. Can a framework for repatriation be developed which balances national state order and liberal citizenship rights?

This article argues that using the social contract model to consider the different obligations and pacts between citizens, societies and states can provide a theoretical framework through which the liberal idea of citizenship and national controls on membership can be reconciled.

Historical evidence suggests that the connections in practice between ideas of citizenship and repatriation have been far more complex. In particular, debate between Western liberal and Soviet authoritarian/collectivist understandings of the relationship between citizen and state played a key role in shaping the refugee protection regime that emerged after World War II and remains in place today. Repatriation – or more accurately liberal resistance to non-voluntary refugee repatriation – became an important tool of Cold War politics and retains an important value for states interested in projecting and reaffirming the primacy of liberal citizenship values. Yet the contradictions in post-Cold War operational use of repatriation to ‘solve’ displacement, and a growing reliance on ‘state-building’ exercises to validate refugees’ returns demonstrates that tension remains between national state interests and the universal distribution of liberal rights, as is particularly evident when considering Western donor states’ contemporary policies on refugees and asylum. For both intellectual and humanitarian reasons there is therefore an urgent need for the political theory underpinning refugee protection to be closely examined, in order that citizenship can be placed at the centre of refugees’ ‘solutions’.     

‘Comradeship’ and ‘Friendship’: Masculinity and Militarisation in Germany's Homosexual Emancipation Movement after the First World War

This article analyses the impact of the First World War on Germany's homosexual emancipation movement. I argue that the war was a turning point for the nation's gay movement, as it provided a central ideal – comradeship – which altered the ways in which homosexual rights organisations defined homosexuality and masculinity. A militarised rhetoric permeated the language of gay rights groups in the 1920s, providing a vision of a spiritually and politically emancipated hypermasculine gay man who fought to legitimise ‘friendship’ and secure civil rights. The article relies on the publications of three major homosexual rights organisations recently collected at the Schwules Archiv und Museum in Berlin.