The agricultural basis of Umm an-Nar society in the northern Oman peninsula (2500–2000 BC)

This paper argues that the agricultural aspect of the Umm an-Nar economy has been largely ignored by researchers, due to an overemphasis on copper production and trade. This is true at the level of the smallest rural settlements, villages and settlements whose primary focus was agricultural production.
The key social developments of this period have often been explained by linking them to the exploitation of copper ore and its trade with surrounding regions such as Mesopotamia and the Indus. However, this paper will argue — based on quantified pottery analysis — that it is during this time that we see the development, for the first time in the Oman peninsula, of widespread sedentary occupation that was based on small agricultural villages where there is no evidence of copper ore exploitation, thus suggesting that the economic basis of Umm an-Nar society was essentially agricultural.
Furthermore, it will be argued that, through the use of a new survey methodology, it is possible to locate such settlements, even where they have left no traces of monuments, such as tombs or round towers. The methodology allows preliminary comparisons to be made between the intensity of occupation in different periods. The paper also argues that the Umm an-Nar period was one of the most intensive periods of occupation in pre-Islamic history.     

Exchange networks of the Early Bronze Age Gulf: The imported ceramics from Kalba 4 (United Arab Emirates)

Imported ceramics from Early Bronze Age contexts in southeast Arabia illustrate a complex multidirectional network of material and social interactions at this time. Significant socioeconomic changes that occurred in the Hafit (3200–2800 B.C.) and Umm an-Nar (2800–2000 B.C.) periods have been linked to external demand for copper, which is argued to have stimulated a change in subsistence patterns. Similarly, disruption to long-distance exchange networks by external factors has been cited as driving change at the end of the Umm an-Nar period. Archaeological evidence from the region suggests a shift in the direction of exchange from Mesopotamia to the Indus occurred around the middle of the third millennium B.C. However, a recent analysis of Mesopotamian historical sources has highlighted the scale of state-organised textile production for export to the lower Gulf in the later third millennium B.C. The site of Kalba 4 has a stratified sequence of occupation deposits dating from the Umm an-Nar and Iron Age (1300–300 B.C.). In this study, a typological analysis of imported ceramics is used to locate the Kalba in the chronological framework of the region and discuss the changing networks of long-distance exchange that were operating. The imported pottery at Kalba 4 indicates that the inhabitants of the site were exchanging goods with a range of polities, including southern Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley (Meluhha), southeast Iran (Marhashi) and Bahrain (Dilmun). A significant quantity of Late Akkadian ceramics at the site suggests it became an important location for Mesopotamian trade at this time.     

The decline of Magan and the rise of Dilmun: Umm an-Nar ceramics from the burial mounds of Bahrain, c.2250–2000 BC

This article outlines some general aspects of the Magan and Dilmun trade and goes on to examine the Umm an-Nar pottery discovered in the tombs of the Early Dilmun burial mounds of Bahrain. These ceramics are of particular interest because they indirectly testify to Dilmun's contact with Magan in the late third millennium. In this article, thirty vessels of seven morphological types are singled out. By comparison with the material published from the Oman peninsula the Bahrain collection is tentatively dated to c. 2250–2000 BC. The location of the Umm an-Nar pottery within the distribution of burial mounds reveals that its import was strongly associated with the scattered mounds of Early Type. It is demonstrated that the frequency of Umm an-Nar pottery declined just as the ten compact cemeteries emerged c. 2050 BC. The observed patterns are seen as a response to the decline of Magan and the rise of Dilmun.     

The decline of Magan and the rise of Dilmun: Umm an-Nar ceramics from the burial mounds of Bahrain, c.2250–2000 BC

This article outlines some general aspects of the Magan and Dilmun trade and goes on to examine the Umm an-Nar pottery discovered in the tombs of the Early Dilmun burial mounds of Bahrain. These ceramics are of particular interest because they indirectly testify to Dilmun's contact with Magan in the late third millennium. In this article, thirty vessels of seven morphological types are singled out. By comparison with the material published from the Oman peninsula the Bahrain collection is tentatively dated to c. 2250–2000 BC. The location of the Umm an-Nar pottery within the distribution of burial mounds reveals that its import was strongly associated with the scattered mounds of Early Type. It is demonstrated that the frequency of Umm an-Nar pottery declined just as the ten compact cemeteries emerged c. 2050 BC. The observed patterns are seen as a response to the decline of Magan and the rise of Dilmun.     

The nature of third-millennium settlement: The example of al-Tikha (Rustaq) an Umm an-Nar site on the Batinah coast of Oman

al-Tikha is a mid to large Umm an-Nar (c. 2700–2000 BC) settlement situated near Rustaq at the back of the Southern Batinah coastal plain in the Sultanate of Oman that was discovered (or rediscovered) in 2014. The site is unique because its layout and spatial organisation are very largely (possibly completely) visible on the surface. This includes two separate areas of stone-built housing, a large pottery scatter of varying density, three or four typical Umm an-Nar round towers and a small cemetery consisting of at least four tombs, along with a few other features. The layout of the site is described and discussed in detail, in particular, in relation to what it might tell us about the nature of Umm an-Nar settlement and social organisation more generally. The location of the site within a pattern of repeating Umm an-Nar settlement along Wadi Far (Wādī al-Farʿī) is also described and discussed.     

Rewriting the end of the Early Bronze Age in the United Arab Emirates through the anthropological and artefactual evaluation of two collective Umm an-Nar graves at Hili (eastern region of Abu Dhabi)

The Hili archaeological complex in Al Ain (U.A.E.) is important for its wealth of third-millennium BC Umm an-Nar burial and settlement sites. Two of the most significant burial sites are Tomb N at Hili and Tomb A Hili North. The latter is a classic circular Umm an-Nar monumental grave, while Hili N is a pit-grave, one of only two Umm an-Nar period pit-graves discovered so far in the U.A.E. Both of these tombs contained the remains of hundreds of individuals, in the case of Tomb A Hili North, more than 300, while around 600 people had been deposited in Hili N. Both population groups have been the subject of anthropological and artefactual analyses and a comparison of the findings help to shed light on the chronology of the end of the Umm an-Nar period.     

Al-Ghoryeen: An Early Bronze Age settlement in central Oman peninsula

Al-Ghoryeen, located 95 km southwest of Muscat, is a unique settlement dating to the Umm an-Nar period and is built upon a Late Hafit period settlement. It was found in 2004 and excavation began in 2018. Preliminary analysis of the results revealed two major occupation phases with an occupational gap in between. A change occurred between the earlier and later phases of the settlement system reflected mainly in the difference in building sizes and plan. We excavated either partially or completely a stone round tower and more than 10 domestic structures. The distribution of the architectural features including the round tower, domestic structures and burials showed some kind of organised settlement structure. The Hafit period settlement was tested in two trenches where ¹⁴C analysis dated the earliest occupation to the late Hafit period.     

Third-Millenniurn and Later Pottery From Abu Dhabi Airport

Surface pottery collected from a site on Abu Dhabi airport indicated sporadic occupation from the Hafit period, c. 3100–2700 BC, with maximum settlement in the second half of the third millennium BC. The ceramics, which could be related both to the coastal Umm an-Nar culture and to the sequence established at Hili 8 in Period II, included wares of probably Mesopotamian and Eastern Arabian origin. The site was unused throughout most of the second millennium BC and the Iron Age but pottery of first century BC-second century AD date suggested that it may have served as a point of entry or transit at that time, the first to be recognised in the coastal area of Abu Dhabi.     

Residential mobility and social identity in the periphery: strontium isotope analysis of archaeological tooth enamel from southeastern Arabia

Strontium isotope analysis represents an effective means of assessing mobility and reconstructing geographic residence patterns in archaeological populations. This biogeochemical technique was utilized to test the hypothesis that burgeoning interregional exchange networks and the occurrence of exotic grave goods in local tombs would correspond with a highly mobile population and a considerable immigrant presence during the Umm an-Nar (2700–2000 BC) period in the UAE. This region has been considered peripheral relative to larger civilizations in Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley, but played an important role as a major supplier of copper for the Persian Gulf. Individuals (n = 100) from six monumental Umm an-Nar tombs (Mowaihat; Tell Abraq; Umm an-Nar Island I, II, V; Unar 1) were selected to evaluate the geographic origins of tomb members. Mean ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr ratios from local individuals interred at Mowaihat (0.708863 ± 0.000014; 1σ, n = 12), Tell Abraq (0.708873 ± 0.000020; 1σ, n = 27), Umm an-Nar Island (0.708902 ± 0.000079; 1σ, n = 33), and Unar 1 (0.708805 ± 0.000065; 1σ, n = 25) all display little isotopic variability, indicative of a population that was not highly mobile. However, coupled with archaeological evidence, three immigrants from Tell Abraq (n = 2) and Mowaihat (n = 1) identified by deviant strontium values suggest that this region was actively engaged in interregional interaction. Despite claims that these tombs acted as visible markers of territoriality legitimized by local ancestors buried within them, the presence of non-locals suggests that as commerce became increasingly important, definitions of kinship and social identity may have become more flexible to better meet the needs of the local community and those with whom they interacted.     

The Economics of Saltfish Production in the Aegean During the Classical and Hellenistic Periods

Despite a dearth of literary and archaeological evidence for the commercial production of salted fish or fish sauces in the Aegean during the Classical and Hellenistic periods it has been argued, based on a variety of proximate data, that such production must have been common. This paper suggests those arguments are probably wrong. It argues first that the absence of archaeological evidence for regional Aegean production and trade is itself not necessarily meaningful since a similar absence exists for the Black Sea region during the Classical and Hellenistic periods when commercial production and trade is otherwise well attested; in the Black Sea the most common varieties of saltfish were produced without the use of permanent installations such as salting vats and shipped not in amphoras but in large baskets, thereby leaving little trace in the archaeological record. Evidence for regional Aegean production is also, however, largely absent from the literary and epigraphic sources where a number of key pieces of evidence have been misinterpreted. The evidence suggests instead that commercial catches even of species well suited for preservation would have been marketed fresh. This can be explained in part by the fact that in the Aegean different environmental constraints obtained. More importantly, institutional factors often would have made the commercial production and trade of salted fish and fish sauces uneconomical. Even where local conditions of glut periodically prevailed the possibility of household production may have prevented the development of commercial production on any meaningful scale.     

Food for eternity? The analysis of a date offering from a 3rd millennium BC grave at Hili N,Abu Dhabi (United Arab Emirates)

Ever since the early 3rd millennium BC the date palm (Phoenix dactylifera) has played an important role in eastern Arabia where its remains, in the form of seeds, fruits and stem fragments, are preserved on numerous archaeological sites. The recent discovery of a carbonised mass of pitted dates in a collective burial pit from the end of the Umm an-Nar period (ca. 2200–2000 BC) at Hili (United Arab Emirates) constitutes the earliest example of a food preparation involving this species. The present paper describes the discovery and identification of this unique offering before addressing the question of its significance in a funeral context in Bronze Age Arabia.     

An overview of bitumen trade in the Near East from the Neolithic (c.8000 BC) to the early Islamic period

The aim of the paper is to summarise the present state of knowledge concerning bitumen trade in the Near East from the Palaeolithic (70,000 BP) to the Early Islamic period. During the Palaeolithic and Early Neolithic period, bitumen utilisation was mostly concentrated in settlements close to oil seeps. From the Ubaid 3 period, bitumen from the Mosul area became more important and was traded as far as the southern Persian Gulf. The Uruk period is a turning point for Mesopotamian history as settlements evolved into city‐states. These cities had a great need for raw materials, and this marks the beginning of large‐scale exploitation of Hit bitumen. This bitumen was traded at settlements along the Euphrates, where a large trade network was established. Hit bitumen entered the Persian Gulf at the turn of the second millennium (Dilmun period). Bitumen from Iraq (Mosul and Hit) became predominantly used in most settlements along the southern coast of the Gulf. During this period Iranian bitumen was also exported and this supply tended to increase, especially during the Partho‐Sasanian period. Dead Sea bitumen had its own exchange network, which was concentrated across present‐day Israel and Egypt where it was extensively used for mummification.     

WATER, ANIMALS AND AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY: A STUDY OF SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND ECONOMIC CHANGE IN NEOLITHIC SOUTHERN GREECE

Summary. This study, based on evidence from archaeological surveys and excavations in southern Greece, demonstrates two major shifts in the subsistence economy during the Neolithic. In the EN and MN periods the presence of large villages in locations near reliable water-sources and permanently moist or seasonally flooded soils of high and sustained productivity illustrates a village farming economy concentrating on arable agriculture. The first economic shift occurred in the late MN-LN with occupation of highland caves and islands, indicating increased sheep/goat pastoralism, fishing, and perhaps hunting, with a reduced number of farming villages present in the plains. The second shift took place in the FN-EBA, when a dispersal of agricultural settlements into dry upland regions indicates expanding plough agriculture and pastoralism, important factors contributing to the development of the flourishing EBA economy. The expansion of settlement was most marked in southeastern Greece, and it is suggested here that the extensive grazing areas provided by the open vegetation and mountainous terrain of this dry region, and its relative scarcity of well-watered fertile lowlands, may have stimulated the LN-FN expansion of pastoralism.     

On the Identification of Ænon

Abstract

Combined archaeological data from the Central Jordan Valley indicates that small agricultural villages and a few public buildings occupied the area during the first half of the 10^th century BC, all grouped along well-organised irrigation systems. A regional conflagration ended the occupation around 950 BC, after which most of the Central Jordan Valley was deserted for approximately one century. This occupational gap coincided with a period of decreased precipitation. During this arid phase the area was visited by mobile groups who used the summits of the settlement mounds for animal holding and sparse industrial activities. According to the topographical list of Shoshenq I, there were at least four settlements in the Central Jordan Valley: Adamah, Succoth, Penuel and Mahanaim. These places were apparently important enough in c. 925 BC for the Egyptians to neutralise them. But where are the remains of these settlements? This study deals with the intriguing disjunction between archaeological and textual evidence.     

Paint It Black: The Rise of Metallurgy in the Balkans

This paper integrates archaeological, material, microstructural and compositional data of c. 7,000 years old metallurgical production evidence with the aim to address the knowledge of the world’s earliest metalworkers. The main focus is placed on copper minerals, ores, slags, slagged sherds and metal droplets coming from four Vin?a culture settlements in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina: Belovode, Plo?nik, Vin?a and Gornja Tuzla, all dated between c. 5400 and 4400 BC. Chemical study of copper minerals throughout all sites points at striking uniformity in selecting black and green minerals from the early days of the settlements’ occupation, some of which predate the metal smelting events. Microstructural examination of metal production debris showed convincing technological similarity throughout c. six centuries of copper making in the studied sites, as well as a consistent choice of black and green ores for metal extraction. We argue that black and green ores were intentionally selected as ingredients for the metal smelting ‘recipe’ in the early stages of Balkan metallurgy based on the knowledge related to their characteristic visual aspects. This finding demonstrates how important the adequate combination of colours was for the early copper metalworkers and suggests a unique technological trajectory for the evolution of metallurgy in this part of the world. It also illustrates the capacity that micro-research carries in addressing the how and why of the emergence of metallurgy, and outlines a methodology for future studies of early metallurgies worldwide.     

THE FERTILE DESERT: AGRICULTURE AND COPPER INDUSTRY IN EARLY ISLAMIC ARAVA (ARABAH)

Abstract

The Arava is an arid region in the Southern Levant. Archaeological excavations and surveys in the area revealed dense settlement and sophisticated technologies from the eighth to ninth centuries—qanat water technology and copper production. Differences between the data of the middle and southern Arava suggest two separated economic systems. While the Southern Arava seems to be primarily an industrial area of copper that delivered the raw material to Ayla, the middle Arava was mainly agricultural and may be connected to trade routes. Studying the farming conditions of this arid area points to date palms as the main crop of the agricultural settlement. However, it is not yet clear where the Arava's produce was exported.     

楚金币的发现与研究

本文概述了楚国金币的发现情况,对楚金币的种类、形制、印记、重量与刻文诸问题加以探讨,对楚金币出土情况进行剖析,认为,楚金币是流通中的秤量货币,它与铜贝是主币与辅币的关系;并对楚金币的币材产地、冶炼技术与铸造年代等进行研究。     

The potential of stable Cu isotopes for the identification of Bronze Age ore mineral sources from Cyprus and Faynan: results from Uluburun and Khirbat Hamra Ifdan

Copper isotope ratios differ between hypogene sulfidic, supergene sulfidic and oxidized ore sources. Traditional lead isotope signatures of ancient metals are specific to deposits, while Cu isotope signatures are specific to the types of ore minerals used for metal production in ancient times. Two methodological case studies are presented: First, the mining district of Faynan (Jordan) was investigated. Here, mainly oxidized copper ores occur in the deposits. The production of copper from Fayan’s ore sources is confirmed by the measurement of the Cu isotope signature of ingots from the Early Bronze Age metal workshop from Khirbat Hamra Ifdan. Based on our results illustrating differences in the Cu isotope composition between the ore mineralizations from Timna (Israel) and Faynan, it is now possible to determine these prehistoric mining districts from which copper artifacts originated by combining trace elements and Pb isotopes with Cu isotopes. The second case study presents data on Late Bronze Age copper production in Cyprus. Oxhide ingots from the shipwreck of Uluburun (Turkey) were tested for their lead isotope signatures and assigned to Cypriot deposits in the recent decades. The oxhide ingots from Uluburun show a Cu isotope signature which we also found for oxidized copper ores from Cyprus, while younger oxhide ingots as well as metallurgical slag from the Cypriot settlements Kition and Enkomi show a different signature which might be due to the use of sulfidic ore sources from a greater depth of deposits. We assert that there could be a chronological shift from oxidized to sulfidic ore sources for the copper production in Cyprus, requiring different technologies. Therefore, Cu isotopes can be used as a proxy to reconstruct mining and induced smelting activities in ancient times.     

Familienanalyse in kupferzeitlichen Kollektivgräbern aus Umm an-Nar; Abu Dhabi

Skeletal material from three collective burials from the island of Umm an-Nar (Arabian peninsula) dating to the 3rd millennium B.C. was submitted to a kinship analysis with the aid of a set of genetically determined odontologic traits. The analysis yielded the following results: a) phenotype and frequency of odontological traits in the skeletal sample suggest a relatively homogeneous population; and b) there are distinct indications for genetically determined relationships within the individual burial mounds. In spite of the poor state of preservation of the skeletons, the analysis permitted conclusions about the social structure of the local population.     

Direct chronometry (14C AMS) of the earliest copper metallurgy in the Guadalquivir Basin (Spain) during the Third millennium BC: first regional database

The characterisation of copper metallurgy in the Third millennium BC in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsula as a simple and technological process on a domestic scale was the central axis that sustained a belated, underdeveloped appreciation for the Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula and Western Europe dependent on the origin of social complexities. Nevertheless, this characterisation was incomplete since it was based more on the contexts of consumption than those of production and in territories used for agricultural rather than for mining purposes. Above all, however, it was incomplete because it lacked a precise spatial and temporal framework that evaluated the variability of the behaviours it articulated.To overcome these deficiencies, we have developed a systematic programme of interdisciplinary research aimed at documenting and dating, through the use of ¹⁴C AMS, the direct contexts of copper production of eight settlements that cover the populational variability (from 300 to 0.25 ha of surface area), chronology (between c. 3000 BC and c. 2000 BC), economic (settlements dedicated to mining, agriculture, etc.) and territorial along the axis of the backbone of the most fertile soils and primary (main) supplies of copper in the Iberian Peninsula: the Guadalquivir Basin.Results consist of the first systematic database, with sixty-six precise, direct radiocarbon dating of the metallurgical production of copper during the Third millennium BC, in the Iberian Peninsula and Western Europe. At the same time, it presents a variability of contexts (e.g. household, workshop, partial-time, full-time, factory, smelting quarter, etc.), in both time and space, affording a precise evaluation of social and territorial variability of behaviours that the production of copper shows us, a new historical explanation and the link between this and the development of social complexity.