Seeing is believing: Symbolic politics and the opportunities of non‐democratic transition in Angola

Following the resignation of President José Eduardo dos Santos after 38 years in power, the August 2017 elections in Angola were peaceful, yet had questionable results and returned the ruling party, the MPLA (The Popular Liberation Movement of Angola) to power. However, in his first three months in office, the new president, João Lourenço, has proceeded to make some high‐profile reshuffles and symbolic actions that have induced a palpable sense of optimism in the broader population, which seemed hardly warranted before the elections. This article reassesses the outcome of the elections from an Angolan perspective, based on fieldwork carried out in the capital, Luanda, and the northern province of Uíge, shortly after the polls. By examining how certain actions become symbols and what those symbols enable among Angolan citizens, the article discusses the weight of symbolic politics and the opportunities for change under conditions that fall short of formal standards of the democratic process.     

Neutrality challenged in a cold war conflict: Switzerland,the International Committee of the Red Cross,and the Angolan War

The Swiss government’s actions in Angola in the 1970s highlight its aim to improve the credibility of its neutrality policy in Southern Africa, which was greatly challenged in the global Cold War context. Drawing on Swiss, US, British, and International Committee of the Red Cross archival sources, this paper argues that the Swiss authorities’ participation in the relief mission of the ICRC during the Angolan War permitted them to benefit from this organisation’s good image. Switzerland’s early recognition of the People’s Republic of Angola was closely coordinated with European political leaders and underlines the country’s increased independence from Washington during Détente.     

‘Memory is the strength of our resistance’: an ‘other politics’ through embodied and material commemoration in the San José Peace Community,Colombia

Scholars have shown how memory is an embodied and spatial practice that potentially generates more just possible futures, and that peace is a politicized and contextually specific process, but how does place-based memory performance actually contribute to social movements’ construction of peace? This article explores massacre commemoration pilgrimages and stones painted with victims’ names in the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, a group of small-scale farmers living in the war-torn region of Urabá, Colombia. Based on 15 months of ethnographic research in Colombia from 2011 to 2014, including participant observation and 49 interviews, I explore the relationship between these spatially embodied practices and the community’s resistance to forced displacement and peace-building project. I argue that these forms of memorialization cultivate key elements for an autonomist ‘other politics’, including solidarity with allies; mobilizing bodies across space to defend life and land; and ongoing reflection, education and strategic planning that strengthen community cohesion and organization. Integrating scholarship on memory performance, peace geographies, and social movements, I illustrate how the San José de Apartadó Peace Community’s massacre commemorations and stones reject vindictive violence and instead build an alternative, transformative and emancipatory politics through internal and external solidarity.     

Angola 2025: The Future of the “World's Richest Poor Country” as Seen through a Chinese Rear‐View Mirror

Abstract: As Africa's foremost “emerging market” Angola is receiving increasing recognition for its oil wealth, leading to attempts to engage it as a strategic partner, especially amongst the “rising powers”. In particular, there has been considerable escalation in development cooperation between Angola and China recently, though relatively little is known about the precise terms of this “partnership” despite China's key role in Angola's post‐conflict reconstruction. The growing importance of Chinese credit lines and increasing presence of Chinese corporate agencies across Angolan territory raise important questions about development, poverty reduction and inequality; governance and labour relations; and Angola's institutional capacity and the social structure of its cities. This paper critically examines the specific outcomes of Angola's “partnership” with China along with the hybrid conceptions and tangled geographies of “development” produced as a result. In particular, it seeks to interrogate the visions of Angola's future articulated by the Angolan state and the reference points and “models” of development that they draw upon.     

Facing Up to the Centre: The Emergence of Regional Elite Associations in Angola's Political Transition Process

This article compares two regional elite associations in Angola's southern Huíla province — the Associação dos Naturais e Amigos de Kuvango, Jamba e Chipindo (Anakujachi — Association of Natives and Friends of Kuvango, Jamba and Chipindo) and the Associação Solidariedade Nyaneka‐Humbi (SNH — Nyaneka‐Humbi Solidarity Association). It demonstrates how these associations have gained increasing political significance through their representation of local interests. This is facilitated by deeply felt social and political exclusion resulting from war and a centralized state that hardly reaches the periphery where these associations are based. Until now, the central Angolan state has refused to grant the regions more autonomy despite an official gradualismo decentralization policy which introduces elected bodies at district level. In response, the strategy of these associations has been to ensure that their representatives obtain positions within the state, both nationally and locally, so that they could represent the interests of their specific region. Using the example of these regional elite associations, the article retraces the struggle over resources and citizenship, which is embedded in contemporary urban–rural interactions that mark political change in Huíla province.     

Becoming Inca: Juan Bustamente Carlos Inca and the Roots of the Great Rebellion

Inca nobles were prominent colonial petitioners for royal mercedes. Their high visibility and persistent claims to a special place in the colonial order, based on their descent from sovereign Inca emperors and past service to the Crown, ensured that the question of political alternatives to normative colonial arrangements would remain alive in the public domain. This article explores the career of one Inca pretendiente, Juan de Bustamante Carlos Inca, the Crown's response to his petitioning, and the significance of his own quest for a better understanding of the ambitions and motives of José Gabriel Túpac Amaru on the eve of the 1780 rebellion. Politically, Bustamante's attempt to win succession to the Marquesado de Oropesa and its entail brought into public view a 1555 cédula of Charles V empowering the then leading Inca noble, Alonso Tito Atauchi—and all his successors—to raise an army on the king's behalf during any crisis within the Viceroyalty of Peru. Bustamante's quest thereby compelled the Crown to confront the potential for political destabilization of Inca succession at the precise moment that the Bourbon dynasty embarked upon an unpopular root-and-branch reform of its empire. The 1555 cédula was the prime source of Túpac Amaru's claim to be rightful heir to the Marquesado—in effect, the version of an Inkarrí that he adopted stemmed in the first instance from the Crown.     

Geopolitics of decolonisation: The subaltern diplomacies of Lusophone Africa (1961–1974)

This paper addresses the global engagement of certain African intellectuals who strove for the independence of Lusophone Africa. It does so using geopolitical lenses based on new and multilingual archives. Extending current scholarship on subaltern geopolitics, cultures of decolonisation, and critical development studies, I show the performance of the subaltern diplomacies deployed by political leaders such as Amílcar Cabral, Mário Pinto de Andrade, Agostinho Neto, Eduardo Mondlane, and Marcelino dos Santos in capturing international sympathy for their cause from other scholars, activists, and politicians at different levels (from grassroots movements to state leaders and international organisations) across the divides between Cold War blocs and the fields of the ‘First’, ‘Second’, and ‘Third World’. I argue that these endeavours disrupted mainstream narratives of development and Euro-centred ideas of assimilation, partly due to their emphasis on education and the production of subaltern histories and geographies that were instrumental to the national construction of new decolonised countries from so-called ‘Portuguese Africa’. In the 1960s and early 1970s, these intellectuals used the weapons of culture, public communication, and transnational networking as devices that were as important as the accomplishments of their fellow guerrilla fighters in the battlefield. Additionally, these stories confirm the importance of the archive for tracing cosmopolite, multilingual, and diasporic networks and their spatiality, as well as for doing critical geopolitics from perspectives other than Anglo- or Western-centred ones, thus decolonising geography.     

The Political Transfer of English Parliamentary Rules in the French Assemblies (1789–1848)

France has often been perceived as the most resilient country to political transfers from abroad. This view does not withstand close scrutiny and political realities tell a different story. This article argues for a reinterpretation of the role of political transfers in modern French political life (since 1789). Through the study of the introduction of rules inspired by the British parliamentary system, this article seeks to show that transfers did take place and gave rise to controversy. The July Monarchy represents the best example. There was an effective transfer but the resistance to this transfer was also very effective. This resistance shows the structural specificity of the French parliamentary system. Political transfers are thus double edged: it is simultaneously an import into a system and a way of reorganizing the system that modifies the nature of the transfer (in this instance the ‘recipes’ of the British parliament).

Résumé La France a souvent été vue comme le pays du refus de toute importation politique venue de l'étranger. Mais, une telle idée appartient plus au monde des représentations (que les Français ont abondamment nourri) qu'au domaine de la réalité politique. Cet article plaide pour une réévaluation du rôle tenu par les transferts politiques dans la vie politique française moderne (à partir de 1789). A travers l'étude de l'introduction de règles inspirées du modèle parlementaire britannique, l'article tente de démontrer que les transferts ont été à la fois effectifs et sujets à de très fortes controverses. La période de la monarchie de Juillet, de ce point de vue, offre un exemple remarquable. Le transfert eut bien lieu (la publicité des votes principalement) mais la résistance opposée à ce transfert fut elle aussi très efficace. Cette résistance est un révélateur des spécificités structurelles du parlementarisme français. Un transfert politique se révèle donc ici ambivalent: il est à la fois un phénomène d'importation à l'intérieur d'un système d'accueil (ici, la monarchie de Juillet) et une forme de recomposition de ce système qui vient modifier à son tour la nature initiale du transfert (ici, les ‘recettes’ du parlementarisme britannique).     

Work,young people and neighbourhood representations

Extending ideas of social exclusion and cultural modelling, I demonstrate that work identities of young inner-city men and women are shaped by cultural representations of the neighbourhood. I explore, in particular, the internal and external representations of culture and neighbourhoods, and the relationship between the two forms of representation. Empirical research focuses on two inner-city neighbourhoods of San Antonio, Texas. I present data from in-depth interviews with twenty-nine young Latinos and Latinas and seventeen representatives of community-based institutions. The results reveal that place is an important mechanism in the production of work identities. By considering the contingency of norms of success and marginality, the paper critiques underclass and culture-ofpoverty concepts. À partir de concepts d'exclusion sociale et de modélisation culturelle, je démontre que, pour les jeunes provenant de quartiers urbains défavorisés, les identités reliées au travail sont influencées par les représentations culturelles de leur environnement. J'examine en particulier les représentations internes et externes de culture et quartier, ainsi que la relation entre ces deux formes de représentation. Mes recherches empiriques sont axées sur deux quartiers dévaforisés de San Antonio, Texas. Je présente des données tirées d'entrevues détaillées avec vingt-neuf jeunes hommes et femmes Latinose et dix-sept représentants d'institutions communautaires. Les résultats indiquent que l'identification au lieu est un mécanisme important dans la formation d'identités reliées au travail. En examinant comment les normes de succès et de marginalité varient selon l'environne-ment, cet article questionne les concepts de sous-classe et de culture de la pauvreté. Ampliando ideas sobre exclusión social y moldeamiento cultural, demuestro que las identidades de trabajo de los jóvenes hombres y mujeres de barrios marginales son moldeadas por representaciones culturales de la vecindad. Examino, principalmente, las representaciones internas y externas de cultura y vecindades y la relación entre las dos formas de representación. La investigacion empírica tiene como enfoque dos barrios de San Antonio, Texas. Incluyo datos sacados de entrevistas largas con 29 Latinos y Latinas jóvenes y 17 representantes de instituciones basadas en la comunidad. Los resultados revelan que el lugar es un mecanismo muy importante en la producción de identidades de trabajo. Por una consideración de la contingencia de normas de éxito y marginación el papel critica ideas de clases marginadas y la cultura de pobreza.     

Place,teenagers and representations: Lessons from a community theatre project

Community art is one way the stories and perceptions of typically marginalized community residents can reach a large audience, as well as one means of community development and improvement. This paper draws on the author's ethnographic research and personal experience working for two years with a community theatre programme in an impoverished, multi-ethnic neighbourhood of San Diego, California. Like many community arts programmes, Around the World in a Single Day community theatre project targeted 'at risk' teenagers. The community theatre project provides a vehicle for discussing two aspects of representation: narrative authority and the symbolic economy. The paper argues that community arts programmes can empower the self-representation of marginalized teenagers, but these representations are given meaning in the context of the representation of their neighbourhood. L'art communautaire représente un moyen de faire connître au grand public les récits et perceptions des individus marginalisés, en plus d'offrir des voies d'amélioration et de développement des communautés. Cet article s'inspire des recherches ethnographiques et expériences personnelles de l'auteur au cours d'une période de deux ans àtravailler pour un programme de théâtre communautaire dans un quartier multiculturel défavoriséde San Diego, Californie. Comme plusieurs programmes artistiques communautaires, le projet de théâtre 'Autour du Monde en un Seul Jour' visait des jeunes dits 'à risque'. Le projet de théâtre communautaire sert de tremplin pour discuter deux aspects du processus de représentation: l'autorité narrative et l'économie symbolique. Cet article soutient que les programmes artistiques communautaires peuvent habiliter l'autoreprésentation de jeunes marginalisés, mais ces images acquièrent leur sens dans le contexte des représentations du quartier. El arte comunitario es una de las vías por la cual se puede transmitir las historias y opiniones de las personas típicamente marginas de una comunidad a un público muy amplio. También constituye una manera de desarollar y mejorar una comunidad. Esta papel hace uso de las investigaciones etnográficas y las experiencias personales del autor, el cual pasó dos años trabajando con un programa de teatro comunitoario en un barrio empobrecido y multiétnico de San Diego, California. Al igual que muchos programas de arte comunitario el proyecto 'Around the World in a Single Day' (Vuelta del Mundo en un Solo Día) se dirigía a los adolescentes 'en peligro'. El proyecto de teatro comunitario facilita el debate de dos aspectos de representación: autoridad narrativa y la economía simbólica. El papel sugiere que los programas de arte comunitario tienen la capacidad de autorizar la auto-representación de adolescentes marginados, y estas representaciones tienen sentido en el contexto de la representación de su vecindad.     

Writing violence in Seventeenth-Century Yucatan: Fray Bernardo de Lizana's Devocionario de nuestra Señora de Izamal y Conquista espiritual de Yucatán (1633)

Although long considered a minor work, Franciscan friar Bernardo de Lizana's Devocionario de nuestra Señora de Izamal y Conquista espiritual de Yucatán (1633) is key for understanding what the author himself termed the ‘spiritual conquest’ of colonial Yucatan. Deploying José Rabasa's concept of ‘writing violence,’ this essay shows how this text works to promote a culture of forceful spiritual conquest, reminiscent of the culture of spiritual conquest of the primitive Yucatecan church (1545–1562), in order to complete the conquest of the last independent Maya on the peninsula.     

Foreign Examples as Eye Openers and Justification: The Transfer of the Anti-Corn Law League and the Anti-Prostitution Movement to the Netherlands

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Dutch movement against stamp duty, as well as the Dutch anti-prostitution movement, was strongly influenced by British examples. In the first case, the prestigious model of the Anti-Corn Law League made democratic political action in a respectable, dignified and effective manner conceivable. In the second case the British campaign against ‘regulated vice’ proved that moral movements could enter the political sphere, without losing their religious identity. In both cases the British example was a revelation to, respectively, Dutch liberals and Christian philanthropists. It opened their eyes to other ways of dealing with politics and subsequently contributed to a change in their perception of what politics consisted of. In addition the inspiring examples helped to justify the introduction of modern political practices in the Netherlands and thus played a role in the acceptation of mass politics.

résumé:?Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle les mouvements hollandais contre le timbre fiscal et contre la prostitution furent influencés par des exemples britanniques. Dans le premier cas le modèle prestigieux de la ligue Anti-Corn Law avait rendu possible une action politique digne et respectable. Dans le second la lutte contre la réglementation du vice prouvait que la moralité pouvait rentrer dans la sphère politique sans perdre sa dimension religieuse. Dans les deux cas, les modèles britanniques furent des révélations pour les libéraux et les philanthropes chrétiens. Ils offraient des pratiques révélatrices d'une politique nouvelle et même une autre façon de penser la politique. Ces transferts servirent à justifier l'introduction de pratiques politiques modernes dans les Pays Bas et jouèrent de ce fait un rôle dans l'acceptation de la politique de masse.     

The Conventillo,the Department Store,and the Cabaret: Navigating Urban Space and Social Class in Argentine Silent Cinema, 1916–1929

This article examines an understudied film genre that some Argentine early film periodicals labeled cinedrama porteño. Porteño cinedramas portrayed a bleak Buenos Aires, a dark metropolis of massive immigration and accelerated urbanization in which opulence was reserved for the few and misery was all around, particularly in immigrant neighborhoods. Centering on ‘fallen women’ and well-dressed wastrels, the genre foregrounded social instability by confronting emerging and established social actors in several locations, including tenement housing, department stores, and cabarets and garçonnières. Based on surviving film fragments, this article argues that porteño cinedramas rendered visible varying degrees of sociocultural proximity and separation in urban space. In doing so, the genre traced sociocultural cartographies and identitary strategies to confer narrative and visual saliency to mobile subjects, most noticeably urban outcasts. Porteño cinedramas warned against the dangers of upward mobility while at the same time denouncing gender and class inequality in Buenos Aires. Films discussed include Hasta después de muerta (Eduardo Martínez de la Pera and Ernesto Gunche, 1916), La chica de la Calle Florida (José A. Ferreyra, 1922), and La borrachera del tango (Edmo Cominetti, 1928).     

Feminism from Amsterdam to Brussels in 1891: Political Transfer as Transformation

Although the fact has been completely forgotten on both sides of the Dutch–Belgian border, careful historical reconstruction enables us to perceive the origins of organized feminism in Belgium as a case of political transfer from Amsterdam to Brussels. For it was the spectacular appearance that Dutch feminist Wilhelmina Drucker put in at the Brussels Congress of the Second Socialist International in 1891 that sparked off a first wave of feminist organizing in Belgium. However, this specific case of political transfer, with its many dissimilarities between political actors and political frames, forces us to review critically some assumptions basic to the field. Political transfer may not be so much about attribution of similarity leading to imitation, as about the certification of actors in highly volatile political situations. In that case political transfer should be conceived not as wholesale importation of ‘foreign’ political practices, but as a reinvention of all elements of a political configuration interdependently and relationally, so as to let actors, frames, political styles and the articulation of political claims emerge transformed through contention.

Résumé:?Bien que la chose soit occultée des deux cotés de la frontière Belgo–hollandaise, une analyse des origines nous permet de présenter les origines du féminisme Belge comme un cas de transfert politique d'Amsterdam à Bruxelles. La présence spectaculaire de la féministe hollandaise Wilhelmina Drucker au congrès de Bruxelles de la Seconde Internationale Socialiste de 1891 fut le point de départ d'une première vague de féminisme organisée en Belgique. Cependant ce cas de transfert politique avec ses divergences entre acteurs et cadres politiques nous oblige à remettre en question les termes du concept de transfert politique. Le pivot du transfer politique est peut-être moins la similarité ou l'imitation des acteurs que leur lutte pour reconnaissance dans des circonstances changeantes. Dans ce cas, le transfert politique est moins une importation de pratiques étrangères mais plutôt une réinvention des termes interdépendants d'une situation politique de sorte que tous les éléments, les acteurs, les cadres, les styles politiques et les revendications en sortent transformés.     

LE RANG D'ARRIÈRE-FLEUVE EN NOUVELLE-FRANCE

Le ‘rang d'arrière-fleuve’, désignant les lignes d'éta-blissements ne touchant pas au Saint-Laurent, constitue une phase essentielle dans la consolidation du système rangique. Quelques sous-types de ‘rang intérieur’ ont deux rangs simples dos à dos, rangs parallèles en profon-deur, deux rangs de rivière se faisant face, écoumène d'interfluve, côte double, rang d'affluent. Contrairement à des énoncés, le rang d'arrière-fleuve a pu être presque contemporain du rang du fleuve. L'ensemble du paysage rural ne présente pas les traits réguliers attendus; la carte de Gédéon de Catalogne monire moult variations dans l'orientation, la largeur et la profondeur des lots, le nombre de terres par rangee, la superficie du rang, l'interruption des rangs du fleuve par des rangs d'affluent (1709). A L'Assomption, seulement 20 pour-cent des lots ont les ‘trente arpents’ des romans. Les clôtures, d'une longueur déjà etonnante, caractérisent le paysage compagnard. Les déterminatifs premier et deuxierne de même que les génériques et spécifiques des toponymes de rang sont l'objet d'un flottement notionnel et de synonymie. Le nombre total des rangs du fleuve et des rangs d'arrière-fleuve demeure faible; en 1700, il n'y a encore que 1 pour-cent de tous les rangs qui seront un jour créés au Québec, mais ce paysage agraire sera durable. ‘Rangs d'arriere-fleuve’: these line villages, which do not border the St. Lawrence River, correspond to a major period in the long-lot system. Some sub-types have rows of lots joined at their backs, repetitive single ranges inside the bush, two arrangements facing each other across a river, double concessions, and colonization along a trib- utary stream. Near inland settlements have almost the same age as shore settlements. Rural landscapes show an irregular pattern. Cedeon de Catalogne mapped, in 1709, variations pertaining to dimension of plots, including position, width, depth, number per row and row surface area, and row discontinuity caused by tributary streams. Heavy fences are also a characteristic. Place-name study indicates some inconsistency in the use of First, Second, and in basic components; synonyms were numerous. The French R6gime did notproduce a great number of rows; by 1700, they represented only 1 per cent of all concessions eventually created in Quebec, but their impact on the landscape has been long-lasting.     

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ISSUES IN SITING A NUCLEAR-FUEL WASTE DISPOSAL FACILITY IN ONTARIO, CANADA

An environmental assessment of the Canadian Nuclear Fuel Waste Disposal Concept was initiated in 1989. The primary purpose of the assessment is to determine the technical feasibility of burying nuclear-fuel waste deep into the Canadian Shield. If deemed acceptable, a second phase of facility siting will commence. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the social and political dimensions of nuclear-fuel waste management in Canada. It is contended that nuclear-fuel waste management transcends technical concerns, and that the ultimate success or failure of siting procedures is hinged on social and political acceptability. Data focusing on various facets of a nuclear-fuel waste disposal facility were collected from a sample of residents from three northern Ontario communities. Results demonstrate that there is a strong relationship between facility acceptability, risk perception, and distance from community. On the basis of these findings, it is contended that a regional siting approach needs to be developed and implemented to ensure that concerns over the viability of nuclear power, equity, and trust are incorporated and granted legitimacy in the management of nuclear-fuel waste. Une évaluation environnementale du concept d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada a débuté en 1989. L'idée première de cette évaluation est de déterminer la faisabilité d'enfouir les déchets de combustible nucléaire dans le Bouclier canadien. Si l'on estime que c'est possible, une deuxième phase dans le choix d'un emplacement d'enfouissement débutera. Le but de cet exposé est d'évaluer les dimensions sociale et politique qu'entraînent la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada. On dit que la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire va au-delà des préoccupations techniques et que le succès ou l'échec des procédures de choix d'emplacement dépendent aussi de l'acceptabilité sociale et politique. Les données portant sur différentes facettes d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire ont été recueillies auprès de résidents sélectionnés dans trois communautés du nord de l'Ontario. Les résultats ont montré qu'il existait un lien très fort entre l'acceptabilité des installations, la perception de risque qu'elles entraînaient et la distance qui les en séparait de la communauté. Sur la base de ces constatations, on a avancé, quant au choix d'un emplacement, qu'il fallait envisager une approche sur le plan régional pour assurer qu'en matière de gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire, on reconnaisse de manière légitime les préoccupations touchant à la viabilité de cette énergie.     

In Love with Garibaldi: Romancing the Italian Risorgimento

This article discusses the meaning of ‘love’ in the political transfer of the Italian Risorgimento. After a general introduction on the possible connections between love and nineteenth-century politics, the author focuses on Giuseppe Garibaldi, one of the most colourful Founding Fathers of modern Italy. While Garibaldi's overwhelming presence in Italian monuments suggests that his political role has been defined by the Italian nation, he started his career as an international fighter for freedom for whom national borders did not matter. In fact, the Garibaldi myth that made the Italian Risorgimento a popular cause in other countries might have been heavily shaped by ‘warm attachments’ between Garibaldi and women and men all over the world. By analysing how these ‘foreigners’ turned both themselves and Garibaldi into vehicles of revolutionary politics, this article shows that in the political transfer of Garibaldi it is not so clear who is the receiver and who the transmitter, what is the centre and what the periphery, male and female: as happens in romantic love as imagined by revolutionaries like Garibaldi, the active and passive subject alternate, giving shape to a political practice that is truly interactive and international.

Résumé: Cet article se penche sur la signification de ‘l'amour’ dans le transfert politique du Risorgimento. Après une brève discussion des connections entre amour et politique au dix-neuvième siècle, l'auteur discute plus en détail Giuseppe Garibaldi, le père fondateur le plus pittoresque de l'Italie moderne. Alors que les représentations monumentales de Garibaldi suggèrent un rôle politique purement national, il commença sa carrière comme un internationaliste combattant pour la liberté plutôt que pour des frontières. De fait le mythe Garibaldi qui fit du Risorgimento une cause populaire dans bien des pays aurait été produit par des attachements chaleureux entre Garibaldi et des hommes et femmes à travers le monde. En analysant comment ces étrangers se firent des agents de la politique révolutionnaire cet article montre que dans le transfert politique Garibaldien il n'est pas très aisé de distinguer qui donne et qui reçoit, qui est au centre et qui est périphérique. Tout comme dans l'amour romantique imaginé par des révolutionnaires comme Garibaldi, les sujets passifs et actifs alternent et donnent forme à une pratique politique véritablement interactive et internationale.     

Charity and Political Protest in French Popular Music

This article explores the cultural assumptions expressed in the self-proclaimed ‘alternative’ and ‘protest’ sector of French popular music, and how these become problematic when leading a charity concert. Liberté de circulation (1999) is a small-scale concert set up for the benefit of the Groupe d'Information et de Soutien des Travailleurs Immigrés (GISTI) in support of illegal immigrants, and its participants (artists and organisers) have a confused relationship with contestation and media exposure. While they convincingly wrap their pro-migration discourse in notions of solidarity and universality, they often confine themselves in artistic and production terms to a certain marginality, which fails the objective of raising funds and public awareness for the charity targeted. Drawing on a comparison between Liberté de Circulation and Les Enfoirés, a high-profile, televised charity show supporting the destitute, the article observes the problematic articulation of charity to political commitment and, in so doing, contributes to debate about the formation of cultural identities around the concept of ‘resistance’ in contemporary France. This discussion follows the pluridisciplinary method of popular music studies and includes an analysis of song lyrics, orchestration, artists' declarations in interviews and the media reception of charity concerts.     

Perspectivismo Narrativo y Enjuiciamiento Social en La familia de Pascual Duarte

The phenomenal ambiguity and irony in Camilo José Cela's La familia de Pascual Duarte has led to many often differing conclusions regarding its social message. While some scholars regard its protagonist as a victim of society and of the new regime that followed the Civil War, others have argued that Pascual is the evil perpetrator of unspeakable crimes who is rightly punished by the new order. This article proposes to reconsider the picaresque nature of this novel, focusing on two features of the picaresque genre, namely its political commitment (or poética comprometida) and the determinism versus free will foil. This analysis will show that Cela replicated the Quevedian vilification of the protagonist and the Alemanian presentation of a false conversion at the end of the story with one purpose: to present Pascual as an unremorseful murderer who lived an irreligious life, killed his mother, and supported the Republican repression in his village killing the local aristocrat, before the new regime makes justice by executing him.     

The mosque in the suburbs: Negotiating religion and ethnicity in South London

The geography of religi on for UK residents of South Asian origin is inexorably linked to the politics of the built environment. In particular, the siting, or expansion, of places of worship for minority-religious groups has often been bound up with the negotiation and contestation of the politics of identity. In this paper we explore the historical unfolding of a complex politics of identity and difference across one particular site of religious worship. The building in question is the London Fazl Mosque, London's first mosque. The paper focuses on two periods in the architectural, social and religious life of the site: its initial planning, opening and use in the London suburbs of the 1920s; and the community's more recent--and ultimately unsuccessful--attempts to extend the mosque in the 1990s. Across these two periods we draw out the ways in which notions of similarity and difference were employed by mosque-users, other local residents, the press and local and central government bodies in their discourse relating to the mosque. In particular we are concerned with how the mosque has meant different things to different religious, ethnic and social groups across the period under study, and how the mosque's relative ability to conform to associative aesthetic valuations throughout its history effectively sanctioned as well as condemned building works. Pour les résidents du Royaume-Uni d'origine sudasiatique, la géographie de la religion est inexorablement liée à l'environnement architectural. En particulier, le choix de sites ou l'expansion de lieux de culte pour les groupes religieux minoritaires ont souvent été reliés à des débats identitaires. Dans cet article, nous explorons l'évolution historique d'un jeu complexe de politiques de l'identité et de la différence par le biais d'un édifice religieux. Le site en question est la mosquée Fazl, la première ayant été bâtie à Londres. L'article se concentre sur deux périodes de la vie architecturale, sociale et religieuse de ce site: sa planification initiale, son ouverture, et son utilisation dans la banlieue de Londres pendant les années 1920, ainsi que les efforts plus récents--éventuellement sans succès--d'agrandir la mosquée pendant les années 1990. À travers ces deux périodes, nous exposons comment des notions de similaritéet de différence ont été mises de l'avant par les usagers du lieu, les autres résidents du quartier, la presse et les institutions gouvernementales centrales et locales dans leurs discours respectifs sur la mosquée. Nous cherchons en particulier à dégager comment la mosquée acquière une signification différente selon chaque religion, ethnie ou groupe social impliqué pendant la période sous étude. Nous cherchons aussi à dégager comment la capacité relative de la mosquée à se conformer à des valeurs esthé tiques associatives au cours de son histoire a servi à supporter de même qu'à condamner les travaux de construction. La geografía de la religio´n para los habitantes del Reino Unido naturales de Asia Sudoriental es inexorablemente vinculada a la política del entorno construído. En particular, la ubicación, o la expansión de los edificios de culto para los grupos de religiones minoritarios muchas veces ha estado estrechamente vinculado con la negociación y la contestación de la política de identidad. En este papel, examinamos el desarollo histórico de la compleja política de identidad y diferencia en un sitio de culto determinado. El edificio en cuestión es la mezquita Fazl, la primera mesquita de Londres. El papel enfoca a dos períodos en la vida arquitectural, social y religiosa del sitio: su planificación, inauguración y empleo iniciales en el barrio londinense en los años 20: y los intentos más recientes de la comunidad de ampliar la mezquita en los años 90, los cuales no resultaron exitosos. Através de estos dos períodos destacamos las maneras en que las nociones de semejanza y diferencia fueron empleadas por las personas que frecuentaban la mezquita, otros residentes locales, la prensa y cuerpos de los gobiernos local y central en sus discursos sobre la mezquita. En particular nos interesa lo que significaba la mezquita para los diferentes grupos religiosos, étnicos y sociales en las épocas bajo investigación y como la manera en que la mezquita cuadraba con las valuaciones estéticas asociativas durante toda su historia efectivamente sancionaba, tanto como condenaba, su construcción.