战国前期李悝变法的历史反思——兼以吴起变法、商鞅变法为参照研究

战国前期,先后发生了三场著名的变法活动,即魏国的李悝变法、楚国的吴起变法和秦国的商鞅变法。本文拟以李悝变法的历史反思为重点,并参照吴起变法和商鞅变法的研究,深入思考社会变革对于国势、国运以及更广大空间和时间的重要影响。     

再论戊戌变法中的张之洞

戊戌变法时期,各政治派别对待变法的态度不同,给变法的实施增加了难度,这要求变法主张者争取广大中间力量的支持,注意推进变法的策略。传统观点因张之洞与康、梁对变法进度不认同而认为张之洞是反对变法和反对维新派的。其实,张之洞是统治阶级中支持变法的中间力量,他与维新派的分歧在于变法策略的不同。     

李承之与熙丰变法述论

李承之是宋神宗朝变法派的重要人物之一。他不仅担任过制置三司条例司检详文字、检正中书五房公事、权判司农寺等变法要职,而且参与了新法的制定,多次任察访使,监察督促新法的执行,为变法做出了重要贡献。但由于李承之与王安石等人的种种矛盾,其变法贡献长期隐而不彰。     

司马迁和司马光关于商鞅论述的比较研究——从史学取舍角度浅析商鞅变法

对于商鞅变法,《史记·商君列传》和《资治通鉴·卷二》都做了很清晰的记叙,但由于种种原因,两位史学家对商鞅变法全部过程的记录有各自的取舍之处。本文试图通过对比司马迁和司马光在史书中对商鞅早年经历、商鞅变法内容与评价的描述来浅析商鞅变法。     

试论对王安石变法的评价问题——与蒋英杰同志商榷

发表在《贵州文史丛刊》1992年第2期上蒋英杰文章《王安石变法的历史作用别论》,在“深入分析变法的目的、王安石的言行、变法条文的主要打击对象”之后,得出一个完全不同的结论:王安石变法代表大地主利益、以巩固封建皇权为出发点,既扼杀了工商业的发展,又阻碍了科学技术的进步,因而是“反动的和倒退的”。对此,我们谨提出一些不同意见与作者商榷。并就变法失败的原因,作一初步探讨。     

维新变法中康有为的创教努力及其影响

一些主要研究把维新变法中康有为利用孔子、创立孔教的努力仅仅视作是他为推动变法所施用的一个方便法门,或说是实现变法目的的权宜手段,是新内容而旧形式。其实,创教本身也是康有为追求的一个重要目标。除了希冀用孔子这个招牌掩护变法主张、减少变法的阻力外,出于对西方的误读——把宗教发达当成列强致胜的一个根基。他还希望通过宗教的振兴来富强国家。另外,他还乞灵通过和西方列强制定建立在平等基础上的教律来解决当时的教案问题。维新变法中康有为创立孔教的努力,目标没有实现。适得其反,变法中许多分歧不是来自维新变法本身,反而是围绕孔教问题引起许多无谓的斗争,徒然增加了变法的阻力和难度。     

康、袁交往与戊戌维新政治格局

康有为、袁世凯在戌戌维新运动的前期,即酝酿期,其思想和行动基本上是一致的。康有为频频上书皇帝的同时,袁世凯向光绪皇帝上了一个13000字的条陈,还向当国的翁同稣连连上了两个说帖。他们殷切希望朝廷迅速变法,挽救民族危机。这一时期。康、袁间的交往与合作是愉快的,他们思想及行动上的一致性,有利于维新运动的迅速开展。戊戌维新运动的后期,即实行期,在怎样变法的问题上,二人又有着明显的差异。在变法的力度和范围问题上,康有为主张大变、全变,并把政治改革作为变法的关键。袁世凯力主变法,变法范围限定在军事、经济等方面,反对政治改革。在变法的方法和步骤上,康有为主张由上而下,先从中央政府开始,凭借皇帝至高无上的权威而雷厉风行。袁世凯则认为,变法应由下而上,先地方后中央。二人思想上的不同导致了行动上的分离,袁世凯早已从康有为变法阵营中游离出去。而康有为不察,不能不说是一大失误。对于袁世凯告密,我们在谴责他政治品格恶劣的同时,忽略了他和康有为思想上的差异。     

宋代提举常平司的沿革与财政体系的变化

提举常平司是宋代一项独有的制度,始设于王安石变法时期,常平司的设立打破了北宋初年以来三司转运司主管财政的格局,从此宋代财政体制进入了分司理财时期.由于王安石新法影响,常平司经历了多次兴废.本文试图通过对常平司建置沿革的考订,对王安石变法以后宋代财政体制的变化进行说明.     

“商君死,法未败”

每一次变法,都会遭受到利益集团的打压阻挠。反对者会想出一切办法除掉变法者,而每一个变法者又都是一腔热血,甘愿为变法奉献一生。有识之士希望能施展自己的抱负,他们早已将生死置之度外。商鞅的尸体被车裂了,但是,他颁布的法令制度却流传了下来,影响了中国近千年的政治制度。     

康有为与"真奏议"——读孔祥吉编著《康有为变法奏章辑考》

我一直很坚定地认为,在孔祥吉先生的所有研究中,贡献最大者为对康有为变法奏议的寻找.这首先表现在他于上世纪80年代发表的杰出论文;<乙未丁酉间康有为变法条陈考略>、<康有为戊戌年变法奏议考订>、<<上清帝第三书>进呈本的发现及意义>;后又表现在他于90年代出版的重大成果;<救亡图存的蓝图;康有为变法奏议辑证>(以下简称<救亡图存的蓝图>).     

实处与窄处:民族复兴运动时论中的新生活运动

国民政府初期的民族复兴运动本起于民间,是"思潮"的一种强化说法,但这种社会意识氛围,正好为取得执政地位不久的国民党当局所运用。蒋介石亲自发起新生活运动,使时人发生民族复兴运动可落到实处的想象,但其提倡的礼义廉耻、服从命令、国民生活军事化所包含的特定政治意图,暴露出严重排他性和狭隘性,"实处"沦为"窄处",效果难彰,变成"纸上的运动"。这可能是常态建设"运动"化、社会运动"政治化"很难避免的结局。     

Beyond ethnonationalism: Transnational mobilisation and framing in Kashmir's freedom movement

Since Indian Administered Kashmir's (IAK) ‘summer of unrest’ of 2010, greater attention towards the contemporary Kashmir azadi, or freedom, movement has led to more active transnational organising by Kashmiris studying abroad as well as other young people who sympathise with this movement. Indian political elites have predominately framed the azadi movement as a separatist movement. However, this perception had not been shared by many Kashmiris who argue the territory has never legally been a part of India. The perception of being a separatist movement from outside of Kashmir has also shifted with a growing body of literature documenting human rights abuses alongside raising awareness to an international community of activists, which has led to an evolution of the azadi movement into a movement for social justice and human rights. This has been facilitated by social media spaces and heterogeneous activist groups framing their movement as aligned with other social justice movements and anti-discrimination campaigns. Framing the Kashmir self-determination movement as a human rights issue appeals to a wider spectrum of non-Kashmiri activists, especially those already involved in campaigns against the marginalisation of certain groups.     

中国留美学生保钓统一运动几个问题再探讨

论文针对保钓运动研究中以前没有谈过或者比较模糊的问题,从保钓群体概况、保钓运动的分裂以及统一运动期间保钓左派的努力这三个方面进行了分析探讨,结果显示,参加保钓运动的人士以理工科背景的中国留美青年学生为主体;保钓运动正式分裂的标志是1971年底左派中国统一大会的召开以及右派＂反共爱国联盟＂的成立;保钓左派通过出版保钓刊物、成立读书会、放映祖国优秀电影、创作收集爱国歌曲、服务侨社及发起保卫西沙南沙运动等活动,为中国统一运动作出巨大的努力。     

爱国运动中的自杀事件报道与社会动员:1919-1928年

现代中国的爱国运动能发展为大规模的群众性运动,与媒体参与的社会动员密切相关。1919—1928年爱国运动中,一些爱国者为了抗议外侮、动员民众,愤极自杀。在一些爱国运动组织者的呼吁下,媒体对自杀事件的信息有选择地报道,彰显自杀行动的社会动员价值,向民众传播爱国运动的思想和主张,引导社会舆论的走向,并将公众注意力吸引到运动中最需要解决的问题之上,以此增强民众对团结御侮、一致对外的认同感,进而推动爱国运动向良性的、纵深的方向发展。通过媒体报道,自杀事件成了爱国运动中的公共事件。媒体对自杀事件的报道,也逐渐成为现代意义上爱国运动的有机组成部分。     

The Evolution of Migration: the Case of Lapita in the Southwest Pacific

Migrations have occurred across the history of the genus Homo and while the movement of pre-modern humans over the globe is typically understood in terms of shifting resource distributions and climate change, that is in ecological terms, the movement of anatomically modern, and specifically Holocene, populations is often explained by human desire to discover new lands, escape despotic leaders, forge trade relationships and other culture-specific intentions. This is a problematic approach to the archaeological and behavioural explanation of human migration. Here an evolutionary and ecological framework is developed to explain various movement behaviours and this framework is applied to the movement of human groups from the inter-visible islands around New Guinea to the widely dispersed archipelagos of the southwest Pacific about 1000 BC. Labelled the Lapita Migration, this movement is explained as a selection-driven range expansion. The development of evolutionary and ecological theory to explain human movement facilitates empirical testing of alternative hypotheses and links different histories of human movement through shared explanatory mechanisms.     

The New Zealand Environmental Movement and the Politics of Inclusion

Engagement with the state has rarely been a comfortable association for environmental movement groups. As Dryzek (1996) illustrates, the conditions for the benign inclusion of environmental and other social movement groups are quite complex, usually requiring not just an intersection between movement and state aspirations but also the continued presence of movement groups in civil society as a democratic counterweight to state power. New Zealand's environmental movement, after a decade of relative political obscurity, may once again be presented with opportunities for political inclusion following the election of a LabourAlliance coalition and seven Green Party representatives in late 1999. This article reflects on the New Zealand environmental movement's past engagement with the state in the light of Dryzek's criteria for benign political inclusion, highlighting the extent of the challenge presented to groups in the movement and the opportunities for future reconciliation with the state.     

非基运动与民国上海大学师生群

民国上海大学对1922—1927年的非基运动具有重大影响。不仅促成运动在1924年8月的"复活",且使其在同年底发生从宣传到行动的重要转折,推动该运动成为一项全国性运动。相当一批非基运动中的活跃分子具有上海大学师生和中共党团员的双重身份。非基运动在一定程度上是中共借助上海大学这一革命平台成功领导的一场社会运动。上海大学的个案集中显示了由师生关系和社团组织两条路径共同形成的革命性、开放性的群体对非基运动乃至整个早期中共学生运动的影响。     

社区分化-整合运动一般规律探讨

社区是社会的子系统,其运动发展极其复杂。本文借助系统理论中描述系统运动发展的一对概念-分化与整合建立起社区分化和社区整合概念,并通过从社会层面、区域层面、空间连续分布的相邻社区层面分析影响社区分化一整合的外部因素和社区分化一整合的基本内容及其相互关系,探讨社区运动发展的一般规律,最后结合我国社区发展的实际概况论述了社区分化一整合运动规律在我国的特殊表现。     

论广州大元帅府的投变寺产活动——兼论商团事变的原因

1923年2月孙中山在广州设立大元帅府后,为了筹集军费和广州的市政建设资金,将广州的寺产作为市有财产收用、拍卖,掀起了一个投变寺产的运动.这次投变寺产运动持续了一年半,曾经在广州引起一场大风波,并间接引发了商团事变.本文就1923、1924年孙科第二次担任广州市长期间投变寺产的活动展开论述,分析这次投变寺产运动的原因、过程、基本政策以及影响.     

Exploring patterns of movement suspension in pedestrian mobility

One of the main tasks in analyzing pedestrian movement is to detect places where pedestrians stop, as those places usually are associated with specific human activities, and they can allow us to understand pedestrian movement behavior. Very few approaches have been proposed to detect the locations of stops in positioning data sets, and they often are based on selecting the location of candidate stops as well as potential spatial and temporal thresholds according to different application requirements. However, these approaches are not suitable for analyzing the slow movement of pedestrians where the inaccuracy of a nondifferential global positioning system commonly used for movement tracking is so significant that it can hinder the selection of adequate thresholds. In this article, we propose an exploratory statistical approach to detect patterns of movement suspension using a local indicator of spatial association (LISA) in a vector space representation. Two different positioning data sets are used to evaluate our approach in terms of exploring movement suspension patterns that can be related to different landscapes: players of an urban outdoor mobile game and visitors of a natural park. The results of both experiments show that patterns of movement suspension were located at places such as checkpoints in the game and different attractions and facilities in the park. Based on these results, we conclude that using LISA is a reliable approach for exploring movement suspension patterns that represent the places where the movement of pedestrians is temporally suspended by physical restrictions (e.g., checkpoints of a mobile game and the route choosing points of a park).