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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):421-428
A British specialist on the Russian economy comments on economic policy under Putin in reference to a paper on the subject by Anders Åslund. The relation between economic reform and growth is examined in light of international comparative data. The implications of the Yukos affair for Russian policy and performance are reviewed by the author with particular regard to property rights and business expectations. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: E63, K0, P26, P27. 2 tables, 20 references. 相似文献
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俄国近代国家政治制度在 2 0世纪初发生了重大变化。在 1 90 5年革命的高潮中 ,沙皇被迫颁布立宪宣言 ,随后在立法、行政领域进行改革 ,最终以 1 90 6年《根本法》将国家制度的变革确定下来。本文拟在几个重要问题上提出与苏联时期史学家不同的观点 ,得出俄国通过上层建筑的变革 ,与近代德、日一样同属二元制君主立宪典型的结论 相似文献
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俄国的婚姻和人口再生产模式与西欧相差甚远,东正教居民的人口观,尤其是农民的人口行为直接影响了俄国人口再生产并在一定程度上制约了人口模式的转型,19世纪60年代以前,俄国人口再生产是“粗放型”的,高结婚率、高出生率和高死亡率,人口寿命短,自然增长缓慢,1861年后,俄国人口再生产模式略有进步,但相当缓慢。俄国人口再生产模式转型的快慢对其人口进程和城市化进程产生了重要影响。 相似文献
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Slider Darrell 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(8):445-460
An American specialist in Russian regional affairs focuses on distinctions between Russian and Chinese federal relationships in order to examine the relationship between the types of political-economic decentralization and the success or failure of market reforms. The analysis includes an overview of regional differences in Russia in the implementation of key structural and policy changes that are components of the reform program, including but not limited to privatization, price and budget policy, the creation of small private enterprises, and government regulation of local economic activity. Supporting evidence and local press reports extend through October 1997. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 052, 053, P51, R59. 1 table, 21 references. 相似文献
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David S. Yost 《International affairs》2001,77(3):531-551
Several factors explain the high level of support for non-strategic nuclear forces(NSNF) in Russia and the correspondingly limited interest in NSNF arms control. These include Russia's conventional military weakness, NATO's conventional military superiority, political assessments that portray NATO as threatening to Russia, and the several important functions assigned to Russia's nuclear weapons and to NSNF in particular by Russian military doctrine and policy. The Russians have made it clear that they attach great importance to NSNF in a number of ways: in their preoccupations during the NATO-Russia Founding Act negotiations in 1996-7; in their recent military exercises; in their decisions regarding NSNF modernization; in their lack of transparency in implementing their 1991-2 commitments to reduce and eliminate certain types of NSNF; and in their discussions about possibly abandoning certain nuclear arms control commitments. Russian interests in using NSNF to deter powers other than NATO (such as China), to substitute for advanced non-nuclear precision-strike systems, and to 'de-escalate' regional conflicts (among other functions attributed to NSNF) would not be modified by the course of action some observers have advocated–a unilateral withdrawal of US NSNF from Europe. Such a withdrawal would, however, damage the Western alliance's security interests. NATO has adopted the most practical objective currently available: pursuing greater transparency regarding NSNF in the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council. 相似文献
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Judith A. Carney 《Development and change》1992,23(2):67-90
Contemporary agricultural development strategies in The Gambia are centred on irrigated rice and vegetables—crops traditionally cultivated by women. Irrigated agriculture, however, is opening up new avenues to capital accumulation at the national, regional and household levels. This article examines the contradictions for women of donor-funded schemes that combine gender equity with productivity objectives. The gender conflicts rife in Gambian irrigation projects point to the significance of female labour for contemporary patterns of agrarian transformation as well as the linkage between women's access to land for independent farming and forms of project participation. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):653-668
The paper, based on extensive field interviews in 2009, examines regional investment policies in Russia, focusing on the Novgorod and Kaluga regions. The author, a Finland-based geographer specializing in Russia's economy, argues that some Russian regions (including the ones not well endowed with natural resources) can succeed in promoting investments despite the generally unfavorable economic environment. He also questions the ability of so-called regional "growth machines" to be sustained over the long term, by contrasting the cases of Novgorod and Kaluga, whereby Novgorod represents a region transformed from a leader in promoting investment into a corrupted autarchic regime. Kaluga, on the other hand, is presented as a successful region on the basis of an innovative but somewhat risky investment promotion strategy. 相似文献
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SERGEY ALEKSASHENKO 《International affairs》2012,88(1):31-48
Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union the role of Russia in international relations has been in flux—a reflection of its changing capacities, positions and interests. To a certain extent, this variability has been defined by the Russian economy, which in the 1990s passed through a stage of deep structural transformation and severe financial crisis, but which then benefited from a period of fast and mainly stable economic growth in the first years of the twenty‐first century. Now, the serious economic decline as a result of the global crisis of 2008–2009 has been replaced by an unstable and uncertain recovery. In the 2000s a very specific political regime of personalized power under Vladimir Putin—set to be back as president in 2012—was established in Russia. During his next term Putin will face the most serious challenges to Russia's economic policy yet. According to some scenarios, these challenges could significantly destabilize the country's politics and economy. Russia is facing a demographic trap; the ageing of the population is increasing the pension burden on the budget, while the shrinking labour force will surely become an obstacle to growth. The dependence of the budget and balance of payments on the price of oil has grown so great that even price stabilization becomes a threat to macroeconomic stability. The poor quality of the investment climate leads to falling private investment which, in turn, hinders the much‐vaunted modernization of the economy. If combined, these problems will lead to the widening of the gap in technology and living standards between Russia and developed countries. Elimination of political competition and the impossibility of replacing political leaders through elections have led to widespread corruption and abuses, crony capitalism, and the complete undermining of the independence of the courts and law enforcement which further complicates the search for adequate responses to the mounting economic challenges. As there are no reasons to believe that Vladimir Putin is going to reform the country's current political system, the gradual accumulation of economic problems could well become the main threat to his presidency as Russia heads towards 2020. 相似文献
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Jane Pollard Cheryl McEwan Nina Laurie Alison Stenning 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2009,34(2):137-142
Because the economy is not found as an empirical object among other worldly things, in order for it to be 'seen' by the human perceptual apparatus it has to undergo a process, crucial for science, of representational mapping. This is doubling, but with a difference; the map shifts the point of view so that viewers can see the whole as if from the outside, in a way that allows them, from a specific position inside, to find their bearings. ( Buck-Morss 1995 , 440) 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(1):140-156
An American specialist on Russia's agricultural sector examines the progression and impact of that country's 2010 drought (the worst in a half-century), leading to a grain harvest one-third smaller than originally forecast. A particular focus is on the country's grain reserves and the government's response to drought in such areas as grain export policy and maintaining the size of the domestic livestock herd, responses which the author argues are conditioned by the drive for food security, a concept that has dominated the political discourse in tandem with resurgent economic nationalism during the post-Soviet period. 相似文献
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William E. Odom 《International affairs》1998,74(4):809-822
In his reply to Jonathan Haslam's article published in the January 1998 issue of International Affairs , William Odom outlines his vision of NATO and its origins and purpose, and discusses the American strategic view of the post-Cold War world against which the decision to expand NATO should be seen. Russia will, he maintains, remain a problem for the West, but its importance and power should not be overemphasized. The danger facing the Western security order is not one of Russia's exclusion but of US power ebbing out of Europe—a distinct probability unless NATO expands. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(4):381-406
A noted specialist on the electoral geography of Russia reviews the existing body of work on the subject based on national elections, beginning with the RSFSR returns from the March 1989 voting for seats in the the USSR Congress of People's Deputies and extending to the presidential race of 2004. The author identifies major themes and methodologies relevant to a discussion of the political topography of Russia, before assessing the extent to which the country's emergent electoral landscape has been described. He emphasizes the importance of scale in interpreting the spatial patterns of electoral outcomes, as well as the social and economic correlates of voting across the regions. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H10, O10, R10. 4 figures, 84 references. 相似文献
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作为第二轮志书重要组成部分的经济部类志书,应该着重反映各地区在转变经济发展方式上所做的工作,取得的成绩,以及存在的不足和问题,供当代和后人借鉴。在记述一个地区经济发展规模时,应结合本地区实际情况,构建一个比较科学的指标体系;在记述经济结构调整时,应重点记述投资、消费、出口对经济增长的拉动情况,三次产业的调整和演进过程,农村和城市之间、发达地区与欠发达地区之间的差距。产业发展是经济部类志书记述的重点内容,由于科技发展和技术进步,传统产业的分类和记述方法已很难适应现代产业的发展,也较难反映一个区域的产业特色,因此产业发展的记述应跟上时代的潮流。我国提出转变经济发展方式已经多年,但进展比较缓慢,主要原因就在于各方面的改革还不到位,体制机制仍不完善。为此,在全面记述经济发展方式转变的过程中,也要把经济体制改革作为重要内容加以记述。 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(3):321-328
A prominent specialist on the Russian economy provides a framing comment on two preceding papers entitled "Russia's Energy Policy" (by Vladimir Milov, Leonard Coburn, and Igor Danchenko) and "Russia's Energy Policy: A Divergent View" (by Matthew J. Sagers). The author argues that Russia's current energy policy should be viewed as an outcome of competition between three overlapping programs. In this context, he identifies three policy models—the old Soviet, the liberal or oligarchic, and the most recent state capitalist. The latter is currently supported by President Putin, who prioritizes diversification of the country's economy at the expense of diminished investments in the oil and gas sector. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: L71, O13, Q40, Q48. 2 tables, 2 figures, 22 references. 相似文献
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Roy Allison 《International affairs》2004,80(2):277-293
President Putin has presided over a proactive, hard-headed and relatively effective Russian policy in Central Asia and the Caspian region since at least the summer of 2002, which aims both to support Russia's revival as an economic and military power and to help tackle at source new security challenges from the volatile south. In line with rising domestic nationalist thinking and the growing influence of officials with a security service or military background, Moscow has been searching for a rationale to support a more assertive policy in the region. Meanwhile, Russian and American views on the scope and conduct of the war on terrorism have diverged in important respects. Russia lacks an overall regional strategy for Central Asia, but is seeking to mesh together geopolitical, security and energy policy goals. It is seeking to reinvigorate its military–security influence in Central Asia under the banner of counterterrorism and at the same time has achieved long-term agreements for energy transit and purchases that make Central Asian states increasingly dependent on Russia in energy policy. Overall, a dynamic of competition is displacing the potential for cooperation between Russia and western states, especially the United States, in Central Asia. The prospects for a fully-fledged strategic partnership in the region are fading but the reality of security threats from Afghanistan and within Central Asia might eventually reconcile Moscow to a lower profile but long-term western strategic presence in the region. 相似文献
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