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The paper surveys Russia's engagement, both in terms of policy formulation and implementation, with the main initiatives outlined at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). Although coverage extends through the entire period from 1992 to present, a particular focus is on recent developments under the Putin administration, a period characterized by an ostensibly utilitarian approach to environmental management. Russia's response to the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) is assessed in the broader context of the country's problems in effecting major environmental policy changes.  相似文献   

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The federal government adopted several measures during the mid-1990s to address concerns about race-based and class-based disparities in environmental protection. This article examines whether these measures affected the pattern of state enforcement of three federal pollution control laws. Using differences-in-differences models to estimate the effects of the federal policy adoption, I find evidence of increases in state enforcement of the Clean Air Act in large African-American communities, but declines in enforcement in communities with large poor and Hispanic populations. Similarly, there is evidence that state enforcement of the Clean Water Act decreased in poor and African-American communities, but there were no real changes in enforcement of facilities regulated under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act. Collectively, the analysis suggests that the federal policy had minimal positive effects on state regulatory enforcement.  相似文献   

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Summary. Following an abrupt change in climatic conditions, the Middle Bronze Age northern Alpine lake‐dwellers were forced to abandon their settlements. As a result, the archaeological record shows a gap of occupation from the end of the sixteenth century to the beginning of the twelfth century BC. Where did those groups go during that period? Recent studies show that some Middle Bronze Age sites hitherto regarded as traditional dry‐land dwellings might represent constructions by former lacustrine people. Typological analyses of pottery assemblages and house structure remains found on these sites have made it possible to trace them back to an origin in the lacustrine tradition. The MBA lake‐dwelling occupational hiatus could finally be bridged and the process of cultural continuity reconstructed. The MBA lake‐dwellers certainly did not disappear; they just temporarily adapted to a drier environment until the lake shores became ‘safe’ again for re‐settlement.  相似文献   

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A British specialist on the Russo-Chechen wars and international terrorism examines Russia's role in the Global War on Terror and, in particular, its long-term campaign against both separatists and Islamic extremists in Chechnya and elsewhere in the North Caucasus. The author advances the argument that Russia's Eurasian (as opposed to European) mode of governance, equating self-determination with separatism and cultural/religious differences with extremism, has generated societal pressures conducive to heightened political violence and terrorism. The implications of such pressures for the future incidence of terrorism in Russia are explored. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H770, O180, P300. 2 figures, 52 references.  相似文献   

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俄国近代国家政治制度在 2 0世纪初发生了重大变化。在 1 90 5年革命的高潮中 ,沙皇被迫颁布立宪宣言 ,随后在立法、行政领域进行改革 ,最终以 1 90 6年《根本法》将国家制度的变革确定下来。本文拟在几个重要问题上提出与苏联时期史学家不同的观点 ,得出俄国通过上层建筑的变革 ,与近代德、日一样同属二元制君主立宪典型的结论  相似文献   

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The strategic partnership between Moscow and Beijing is arguably the greatest Russian foreign policy achievement of the post-Soviet period. In just over a decade, the relationship has grown from a barely civil interaction to one of political and strategic convergence and flourishing economic cooperation. Once divisive issues such as border demarcation and Chinese 'illegal migration' into the Russian Far East have been largely defused, while bilateral trade has tripled during the past four years. Nevertheless, despite these successes, the strategic partnership remains fragile and vulnerable to bilateral and international developments. A negative historical legacy, enduring cultural prejudices and strategic suspicions, and even commercial disagreements threaten, over time, to undermine many of the gains of the recent past. In the transformed global environment after 9/11 there are signs that Moscow is rethinking its approach towards China as part of a more general evolution in Russian strategic calculus in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. China's emergence as the next super-power, the spectre of increased Sino-American tensions, the changing balance of power between Moscow and Beijing, and rival agendas in Central Asia all have the potential to rekindle once dormant political differences and security fears. Although the breadth of common interests means there is no early prospect of confrontation, the much-vaunted Russia–China strategic partnership may be giving way to a growing strategic divergence.  相似文献   

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This article examines the effectiveness of UNIDO in addressing the challenges of environmental degradation and in helping developing countries promote sustainable development paths. The analysis suggests that the slow process of integrating environmental concerns in UNIDO's activities was affected both by internal organizational factors, such as the shared professional values in UNIDO's institutional culture and its organizational flexibility and responsiveness, and by factors relating to the external context, including financial constraints and interagency conflicts. In contrast to studies of successful persuasion of ‘epistemic communities’ in international negotiations, this article looks at the factors which have impeded the process of persuasion. At the theoretical level, it seeks to analyse the difficulties of changing the policy agenda in a specific international organization.  相似文献   

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An American specialist on Russia's health and demographic situation calculates the economic burden of morbidity, disability, and premature death on the country's economy in 2003, applying a cost-of-illness model commonly used in Western settings. The paper disaggregates direct costs (spending specifically on health care) and indirect costs (productivity lost due to illness and death, measured in terms of lost wages), and distinguishes between current-year versus out-year losses and the costs incurred due to different categories of illness. The paper first analyzes the situation for Russia as a whole before briefly exploring regional variations in elements of cost of illness. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: I12, I18, J28, O15. 10 figures, 6 tables, 46 references.  相似文献   

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1975年的军队整顿   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
1975年,邓小平在形势非常复杂和严峻的情况下,以无产阶级革命家无畏的气概和非凡的胆略,领导军队进行大刀阔斧的全面整顿,以消除林彪、江青两个反革命集团对军队建设的影响和破坏,纠正军队建设的航向。在整顿中,邓小平提出了一系列正确的建军原则。整顿时间虽短,但成效显著,军队形势明显好转,对粉碎“四人帮”、保证军队和全国局势的稳定,具有重要意义。  相似文献   

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This study uses a four-region classification of states to investigate the impact of regionalism on the acid rain policy debate. Using multiple regression analyses and controlling for such factors as total pollution emissions, coal production, and precipitation pH, it was found that a state's activity level with respect to involvement in the acid rain policy debate was significantly influenced by both its commitment to environmental protection and its regional differentiation.  相似文献   

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Russia defines itself as a Great Power in relation to Europe and the West. The first part of the article traces how, since 1991, a story about greatness centred on being part of contemporary European civilization has given way to a story of how Russia is great by being superior to a Europe that is now seen as rotten and decadent. The former story spelled cooperation with Europe and the West, where the latter spells confrontation. The second part argues that Russia's superiority complex is unsustainable. It is hard to see how, in the face of the formative structural pressure of the state system, Russia will be able to sustain its superiority complex. A state that does not order itself in such a way that it may either gain recognition as a Great Power by forcing its way and/or by being emulated by others, is unlikely to maintain that status. The costs of maintaining Great‐Power status without radical political and economic change seem to be increasing rapidly. If Russia wants to maintain its status, an about‐turn is needed. Such a turn may in itself be no solution, though, for if Russia does not do anything about the root causes of its perceived inferiority to Europe, then the Russian cyclical shifting from a Westernizing to a xenophobic stance will not be broken.  相似文献   

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