退契与元明的乡村裁判

徽州文书中保存下来元明时代的一些退契。作者透过这些退契及相关文书 ,发现这些退还土地文书的背后常常隐藏着诉讼纷争。而在处理这些土地纷争时 ,元代的社长和明代的里长、老人发挥着惊人相似的作用     

明代徽州宗族精英与祠堂制度的形成

明代徽州祠堂大规模地兴起,宗族精英在其中发挥了重要作用。明代徽州祠堂制度的形成是祠堂制度的变革与创新过程,它突破了古典宗法制以及朱子《家礼》的束缚,包容和反映明代中期前后的社会分化和亲属关系的演变,从而吸引宗族精英主导祠堂建设,推动了明代徽州祠堂及宗族组织的兴起。     

明代中后期心学在徽州的传播和影响

明代中后期,与朱子学“别立宗旨”的心学在徽州得到广泛传播,并在徽州士人中产生了巨大的影响。传入徽州的心学主要有二支,一是湛若水之学,一是王守仁之学。湛、王心学对徽州学术的发展带来了深刻的影响,它既使南宋以来朱子学在徽州一统天下的格局被打破,同时也导致了新安理学学派中形成了二个不同的学术阵营。这种状况一方面反映了明代中后期心学兴起以后,朱子学在全国范围内影响力的削弱．另一方面也体现了徽州学术思想的丰富性和复杂性。     

清乾嘉时期“扬州二马”及其刻书

明代中叶以后,随着徽商在全国的兴盛,寓居扬州的徽州商人日益增多,特别是到了清乾嘉时期,扬州更成为徽商的主要寓居地。这些在扬徽商不仅推动了扬州经济的发展,同时也极大地繁荣了扬州的地方文化。"扬州二马"是清乾嘉时期寓居扬州的徽州盐商,他们不仅是著名的藏书家,同时也是卓有成就的刻书家。本文依据史料阐述了他们的藏书事迹和刻书成就。     

明代嘉万时期徽州家谱编修变化刍议

随着明代基层宗族组织的发展,家谱编修也随之兴盛。在明代家谱中又以徽州家谱素称发达,尤以嘉万时期为最。这一时期徽州家谱在家谱编修数量、质量方面都较之前有较明显提升,特别是家谱体例创新、形式多样更成为显著的新动向。究其原因,这一时期家谱编修的理念从传统谱牒学向家史进一步转变,不断地扩大了家谱的内容和形式;徽州宗族组织的不断完善,对家谱编修提出新的要求;特别是徽商的崛起和徽州社会风俗的变化,进一步推动了徽州家谱的发展;当时流行的文学复古运动也助推了徽州家谱在体例上的新变化。该时期徽州家谱编修的新变化不仅直观反映了徽州社会的变迁,保留下了丰富的基层社会史料;也反映了家史发展的新动向,进一步丰富了中国家史编修理论。     

釋“無夢到徽州”

"無夢到徽州"常常被今人引來贊美徽州。此語出自明代戲曲家湯顯祖《吴序憐予乏絶,勸爲黄山、白岳之遊,不果》,全詩如下:欲識金銀氣,多從黄白遊。一生癡絶處,無夢到徽州。這裏的"黄白"爲徽州地區兩座名山黄山和白岳(即齊雲山)的合稱。而作爲財富象徵的金銀,在古代也合稱"黄白"。恰巧徽州在明代又是達官貴人、鉅賈大賈雲集的富庶之地,故時人不免將兩個"黄白"聯想到一起,以至於     

明代中期徽州盐商个案研究——《尚贤公分书》剖析

《尚贤公分书》是明代正德年间两淮盐商吴德振所立的分家书,保留了大量的明代中期徽州盐商的宝贵资料。根据其中的各类财产记录,可以有效地分析此一盐商家族的资本规模、增值速度以及土地经营等方面的特点。由于这一时期是徽商在两淮盐业开始占据优势并成为具有全国性影响商帮的关键时期,因此这一个案研究,有助于我们详细了解明代中期徽州盐商的基本状况。     

二程家族与徽州关系考

程颢、程颐祖先可靠的世系是从五代开始的,与徽州程氏的联系相当模糊。从宋代开始,徽州学者和程氏宗族为证明二程为徽州程氏所出,进行了大量的文献考证与谱牒编纂工作,但没有得出为众所公认的结论。二程后裔自宋末南迁后,逐渐与徽州程氏建立了密切联系,但直到明代晚期,在徽州程氏强盛而二程后裔衰微的情况下,二程后裔开始承认祖先为徽州程氏所出,并以此编纂族谱。这为明清时期徽州程朱阙里的创建提供了重要基础。二程家族与徽州关系的变迁历程,是中国传统社会中重建家族早期历史的生动体现。     

明代徽州的宗族乡约化

徽州是聚族而居宗族发达的地区,明代中叶徽州的个别宗族尝试制定族规、设立族长而组织化,嘉靖时期随着明朝大力推行乡约,徽州地方官要求宗族设立乡约,不少宗族的绅士与首领也在宗族内部贯彻乡的,设立约正,制定族规,宗族被组织化。宗族组织化的实质是宗族乡的化,对基层社会的影响重大,而且加强了宗族与官府的互动关系。明代的宗族乡约化,也是以宋儒重建乡里社会秩序、移风易俗的主张深入基层社会为历史背景的。     

华南农业大学农史研究所藏两种徽州鱼鳞册考述

《明代鱼鳞册》和《万历九年鱼鳞册》藏华南农业大学农史研究所。根据册籍的土地登记方式、单位等信息,文章认为《明代鱼鳞册》为元末明初徽州府祁门县的土地册,《万历九年鱼鳞册》为万历清丈时攒造,是徽州府歙县的土地册。通过对《明代鱼鳞册》土地类型、业主信息的统计与分析,揭示了祁门为典型的山多、田少、地少山区县,地权分配比较集中。     

新历史观基础上的市民社会批判——重读《德意志意识形态》

马克思恩格斯对市民社会本质的理解和认识经历了一个复杂的发展过程。在《德意志意识形态》著作中,马克思恩格斯已经站在广义的历史唯物主义基础之上对市民社会本质进行了全面的分析,具体内容包括：市民社会的历史本质在于分工基础之上的工业和竞争造成的个人利益与社会利益的分离以及积累劳动与现实劳动的对立;由于货币和分工造成的市民社会的物役性和个人生活的偶然性,市民社会工业的发展必然导致奴役性分工的消灭以及生产力的全面占有,即实现共产主义。     

清代403宗民刑案例中的私通行为考察

男女私通在清代司法审理中占有相当的比重 ,表明它已构成当时不可忽视的一个社会问题。本文就当事者的年龄、婚姻、家庭状况以及他们之间的关系进行了数量统计和对比说明。根据案例的内容 ,把私通原因归纳为出于感情、家境困难或缺乏劳力、带有某种挟制性通奸和其他四大类 ,其中以前两类案例量最大、情况最复杂。并对私通产生的后果 ,传统道德、政府法律、婚姻家庭制度与私通的关系等等做了探讨。     

进一步完善民事强制执行制度

“执行难”一直是困扰理论界和司法界的顽疾,也是社会普遍关注的焦点。目前,我国还没有制定民事强制执行法,现行的有关规定也存在着内容过于简单、程序过于笼统、强制措施力度不够等问题。因此,建立民事强制执行法,进一步完善民事强制执行制度已势在必行。     

民国时期公务员(文官)考铨制度研究述评

民国时期开始实行且步履艰难的公务员(文官)考铨制度,历经北京政府、南京政府和抗日战争的动荡,成为民国时期行政管理体制近代化的重要标志.伴随着制度性建设的日益完善和具体实践上的相对混乱,这一时期公务员(文官)考铨制度在理论与实践上的得与失,为后人留下了宝贵遗产.近年来,史学界对这一问题的探讨日益重视,取得了一系列的成果.     

From folklore to patriotic and protest songs: Music,youth, and Basque identity during the 1960s

Taking a bottom‐up approach to the study of nationalism, the following pages constitute an attempt to shed light on the role singing played for a young generation of Basques who actively participated in the process of construction of Basque collective identity during the cultural revival movement of the 1960s. In doing so, this article aims at showing the fundamental role of active audiences, as well as their changing political and social context, in conforming the meaning of “Basque songs” as means to promote Basque nationalism and sustain opposition to the Franco regime. The study of the production, reception, and reinterpretation of Basque music during the cultural revival of the 1960s presented here intends to emphasize the interest of focusing on how ordinary people contribute to the recreation of the nation through their appropriation and interpretation of cultural symbols and practices.     

Space Invaders in Barcelona: Political Society and Institutional Invention Beyond Representation

In the contemporary neoliberal urban dynamics, those agencies that are on the margin of society constantly disrupt the boundaries of civil representation and forge new institutional relations within the dynamics of urban governance. I explore how this process was enacted at the turn of the century in Barcelona, looking at two coeval social mobilisations: the lock‐in of undocumented migrants in the Iglesia del Pi (2001), and the project of las agencias at the Museum of Contemporary Arts (1999–2003), both of which unfolded in the central neighbourhood of Raval. The invasion of the boundaries of civil society emerges here as a double phenomenon—one that develops both within society and in relation to institutions, instituting new modes of urban politics.     

Awareness and Action: The ethno-gender dynamics of Sri Lankan NGOs

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are the modus operandi in the development arena at this juncture. Many, including feminists, place much faith in these actors for creating a progressive space for social, political, and economic activities to be undertaken. This article employs fieldwork evidence from eastern Sri Lanka, carried out in 1998–1999 and early 2004, to challenge this simplistic reading. The primary social group that was studied during the fieldwork period was female-headed households. This article argues that there are different types of NGO working in multiple ways in the region, and it is important to distinguish between these differences. NGOs that primarily execute development-oriented projects without considering the ethno-nationalist and gender politics are culpable of the violence of development. It is only when NGOs are in local communities for the long haul that they are able to develop a commitment to reassess and evaluate the social transformative potential of their activities. Using a feminist political economy perspective this article argues that it is important and necessary that NGOs confront social, political, and economic structures, including ethnic identity politics, if their activities are to lead to transformative feminist politics. In other words, NGOs would have to do more than pay lip service to gender mainstreaming, as is more often the case. These actors need to recognize and understand the potency of ethno-nationalist politics, social structures, social exclusion, and social injustice in order to create social spaces that are enabling of women's agency in the local communities within which they work and operate.     

Goats Mingling With Sheep? Professionalisation,Personalities, and Partnerships Between British Civil and Military Engineers,c.1837–1939

This article explores the entangled history of civil and military engineering from 1837 to 1939. Typically characterised in the historiography as a relationship marked by neglect and intransigence, it reveals a longstanding kinship between the two professions, built on the firm foundations of mutual interest and respect. Charting the formal and informal links between civil and military engineering in terms of knowledge, recruitment, and education, this article argues that the relationship, while often characterised by tensions and disagreements, represented a process of re-negotiation and renewal to meet new challenges and altered contexts.     

Religion and revolution in seventeenth-century England

Religion’s centrality to the story of the political turmoils of seventeenth-century England has never been in doubt. This article reviews recent books in the field which offer a series of reflections on the mutual effects of religion and revolution on each other in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms and overthrow of James II and VII.     

ASEAN's ‘people-oriented’ aspirations: civil society influences on non-traditional security governance

Since the Asian financial crisis, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has sought to reorient itself towards becoming a ‘people-oriented’ association. Democratic transitions in the region and increased demands from civil society to be actively involved in regional governance have prompted ASEAN to develop forms of participatory regionalism. In practice, however, the rhetorical aspirations of ASEAN have not often matched the level of participation or support expected by civil society organisations. It has often been the case that ASEAN's decisions, especially those related to sensitive issues, have been influenced by external pressure as opposed to participatory mechanisms. The aim of this article is to determine to what extent participatory mechanisms impact ASEAN's approach to non-traditional security. By doing so, the authors combine two key elements central to a ‘people-oriented’ approach to regionalism: the incorporation of deliberative and participatory processes and the acknowledgement of transboundary security issues which require cooperation to move beyond state-centric approaches. This article explains that despite the rhetorical emphasis on participatory regionalism, it continues to be the case that regional civil society organisations and non-state actors have limited capacity to influence ASEAN. By providing a critical analysis of influences on ASEAN's non-traditional security policies, the authors offer a modest yet valuable contribution to the emerging literature on ASEAN's ‘people-oriented’ regionalism and advance a nuanced understanding of ASEAN's participatory mechanisms.