首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
巴蜀符号主要发现在东周时期巴蜀青铜兵器、青铜工具和青铜印章上面。依据不同载体,分析了巴蜀符号的特征与演变。不同功能的器物上的巴蜀符号类型差异明显,当时的人们在使用这些符号的时候是有明确的区分,说明它们的性质、功能应该有所区别。青铜兵器上巴蜀符号可能与古蜀的古老传说和信仰密切相关,当时的人们相信其具有神奇的力量,能够增强兵器的神奇威力。印章上的符号可能象征吉祥的喻意,活人佩戴有护身符的性质,随葬于墓中有护佑死者的作用。青铜工具上的符号最大可能是代表所有者或生产者标识性徽记。  相似文献   

2.
In 2002, fourteen years after their withdrawal from the West Bank, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan revealed its new national program known as “Jordan First.” The Palace initiated this campaign as part of its shifting national discourse which now sought to actively unite Palestinian-Jordanians and East Jordanians living to the east of the Jordan River. This campaign, and particularly its common map-logo symbol, has evolved over the last fourteen years into a rather “banal” national discourse and symbol. However, Jordanian nationalism and the everyday symbols of the Jordan First campaign are not forgotten. Instead, for many Jordanians, the campaign is a reminder of “hot” geopolitics and palpable identity politics. Drawing from Michael Billig's theorizations of banal nationalism, I examine the relationship between banal and hot forms of nationalism in Jordan and argue that scholarly work on banality needs to focus attention on the connections between these categories. As such, I suggest that framing nationalism as something quite “warm” can in many instances more aptly capture the complexity of nationalism. Using a multi-method approach that includes analyses of national maps and map-logos of Jordan and in-depth interviews with Jordanians about their national identities, I highlight the connections of hot and banal nationalism. Through my analysis, I also show that a Jordanian national identity is multi-scalar, merging Arab supranationalism with Jordanian and Palestinian identities; and thus I also extend Billig's work to examine the multiple scales of nationalism.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT. The national flag, anthem and emblem are the three symbols through which an independent country proclaims its identity and sovereignty. Although each state has its distinctive flag, there are similarities in the flags of certain countries, such as in Scandinavia (the cross) and Africa (colours). These symbolise certain propinquity in terms of ideology, culture and history. Similarity is also to be found in the flags of the Arab countries: out of the twenty‐two current members of the Arab League, ten share the same colours on their flags (green, white, black and red), while a certain Islamic symbol (eagle, star) in some flags represents the uniqueness of that country. Of the other twelve countries, most rely on one colour of the four (usually red or green) while nine use Islamic symbols (stars, crescent and sword) on their flags. In spite of the importance of this national symbol, the study of the modern Arab flag is almost non‐existent. This article explores the modern evolution of the Arab flag and the reasons for the similarities in many Arab flags. In particular, it will deal with the pan‐Arab flags of the Hashemites Kingdom of the Hijaz (1916–26), Jordan, Iraq, Palestine, Syria and Egypt.  相似文献   

4.
《Anthropology today》2016,32(5):i-ii
Front and back cover caption, volume 32 issue 5 Front cover CHÁVEZ'S AFTERLIVES Amid widespread crisis and uncertainty today, political symbols are pivotal in the shaping of political subjectivities. In today's widespread crisis and uncertainty, political symbols, ranging from national flags and monuments to mausoleums and street names, are regaining prominence as objects of public display, debate and contentious activity. Some of these symbols have become strongly associated with the shaping of increasingly polarized political publics across the globe. In this issue, Luis Angosto‐Ferrández examines the intensification of an ongoing struggle over political symbols in contemporary Venezuela, focusing on the figure of Chávez as the epitome of a contested national symbol. At a conjuncture of political readjustments in the country, the fate of Chávez's corpse, currently located in a mausoleum, is at stake, but also the configuration of the institutionally sanctioned symbolic order with which political actors aim to condition political manoeuvring in years to come. The figure of Chávez has been transformed into a ‘master symbol’ with political afterlives. This helps explain the strength of Chávez‐as‐symbol among those who resort to it in support of their political hopes: as Christianity continued without Christ, political Chavismo is said to live on without the flesh and bone Chávez, transubstantiated in his supporters. Does the manipulation of symbols imply a degree of creational (social) power, or do symbols represent and mobilize already existing social groupings? Are symbols exclusively generated and manipulated by elites who use them to control social demands, or are symbolic and material political practices intertwined in a more dialectical way? In exploring these questions we are invited to interrogate the nature, potential and challenges facing contemporary democracies. Back cover Walls, barbed wire, spiked and electric fences as well as CCTV cameras are prominent components of the South African securityscape, especially in middle and upper‐class areas. It would not be an exaggeration to say that in post‐apartheid South Africa, the previous socio‐spatial segregation along racial lines has been replaced by one based on economic inequalities. In this issue, Thomas G. Kirsch discusses the semantics and internal logic of security discourse. The securitization of South Africa has a material, tangible side that endows security concerns with an omnipresence, even if it is not talked about explicitly. Here, the text and photographs combine to illustrate and exemplify why security discourses and practices are proliferating worldwide.  相似文献   

5.
本文以西溪湿地为例,将符号的解读和建构问题纳入到旅游体验中进行考察。在文献分析和实地调研的基础上,通过分层聚类、交互分析等方法,对西溪旅游者体验动机的符号感知、体验过程的符号解读以及体验质量的符号要素构建进行了实证分析。结果表明,休闲浪漫是旅游者对西溪的基本符号感知,不同符号类型旅游者人口社会属性和旅游行为存在结构差异,体验的质量也不尽相同;结合体验效果的符号要素相关性解读,不仅为研究旅游体验的本质提供了新的符号学理论视野,也为丰富和强化旅游体验提供了有效的操作途径。  相似文献   

6.
海涛  海啸 《东南文化》2000,(2):47-54
Dragon,in Chinese traditional beliefs,is the highest fairy beast,which is the symbol of luck and happiness.It has been the everlasting subjec tin painting for a long time.Especially in the Five Dynasties and Song Dynasty,the dragon painting approached to its climax.Obviously, the profound meaning in the dragon painting is rather complicated.Examined from all angles of Chinese Culture,it reflects the unique Chinese thought and traditional belief.  相似文献   

7.
桂林旅游景区书法景观符号效应分析   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
书法景观是具有中国特色的特殊文化景观和文化符号,广泛应用于旅游景区而成为旅游景观的一种重要类型.本文以桂林旅游景区的书法景观为案例进行研究,结果表明,书法景观作为旅游景区的重要人文景观,旅游者总体上对其具有较高的认知和鉴赏兴趣;书法景观对旅游者产生了一定程度的符号效应,具体表现在书法鉴赏、文化象征、审美引导3个方面,对应于外在行为、文化环境知觉、景观审美活动3个层次的行为效应.书法景观的符号效应在书法鉴赏方面存在显著差异,而在文化象征和审美引导方面无显著差异.书法景观符号效应研究对于揭示人们的地方感和环境行为与书法景观之间的关系、旅游景区书法景观的设计和景区文化氛围的营造等具有指导意义.  相似文献   

8.
李瑞  郑超  银松  殷红梅 《人文地理》2022,37(2):94-102
以“高山流水”敬酒仪式为案例,运用访谈法与观察法,分析民族村寨旅游者主客互动仪式情感体验过程及唤醒机制。结果发现:①仪式展演中,敬酒人以物质投入营造仪式“氛围场”,借助道具与旅游者展开互动,经仪式要素驱动使其达到集体兴奋状态,获得积极情感体验。②经由主客互动,旅游者收获个体情感能量、群体团结、群体符号、道德感等效果,赋予道具以情感意义,使其成为象征敬酒仪式的文化符号。③文化符号负荷主客情感,日常生活情境中旅游者以文化符号相遇、体验情感分享、敬酒仪式代入方式实现仪式体验情感唤醒。本文构建了跨情境旅游者仪式体验情感唤醒机制,可为民族旅游地构建具有文化特色和体验价值的主客互动仪式提供理论借鉴。  相似文献   

9.
自古埃及以降的闪米特文明都有神奇蛇的信仰,但这些蛇都是克托尼俄斯的神物,代表地下界,从不升天也不飞翔,这种信仰符合蛇的自然本质。中国的龙为天神,既不符合蛇的本质,又和其他古文明崇拜的蛇神形象大异其趣。中国龙的形象来自昆虫。在大自然中,只有昆虫能由蛇体化为鸟形,也只有昆虫能暂死后再生、升天。古人神化昆虫,这实为龙的形象与崇拜来源。不同地区的萨满教,都有崇拜昆虫变形、羽化神能的痕迹。中国先民确有尚虫信仰。中国龙可能更近似于古埃及的金龟蜣螂甲虫崇拜。尽管埃及的金龟和中国的龙崇拜在起源、发展上关联性不大,但两者的信仰观念与象征意义却相当接近。夏禹形貌为虬龙,其名"禹",恰和"虫"同字,故龙、虫义同。  相似文献   

10.
本文对禹被祀于社和夏社进行了考察,认为禹被祀于社是因为其治水有功,是土地祭祀与祖先祭祀结合的产物;夏代社祀已经开始成为国家的象征,已经基本具备了后代社祀的基本功能。  相似文献   

11.
龙与古建筑     
庞鸥  叶雷 《东南文化》2000,(2):41-46
Dragon is the symbol of Chinese nationality The Chinese proudly call themselves the offspring of dmgon Early in the ancient times the Chinese was irrevocably committed dragon The Chinese like dragon because it is not only a fairy beast Unl stands for a certain spirit as well you could find dragon as a design in ancient chinese architecture,Which embodies the power and the wish for luck.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Within heritage studies the relationship between national heritage and national identity is frequently taken as axiomatic. The construction of a national heritage is an important part of nation‐building, and historic buildings and monuments can be powerful symbols of a nation's aspirations and identity. Yet this relationship has received relatively little empirical investigation. This paper reports an exploratory study of the heritage/national identity relationship in Romania which focuses on just one Roman monument – Trajan's bridge. For many Romanians the monument is a powerful symbol of their identity representing Dacian and Roman origins, Latinity, and the continuity of Romanian settlement in Transylvania. The monument was also seen by some as an important symbol of Romania's attempt to construct a post‐Communist identity, and to forge closer links with western Europe. However, the meanings of the monument are not shared by all Romanians, and in particular are strongly contested by Romania's Hungarian minority.  相似文献   

13.
The Double-Axe has always been considered as one of the most important religious symbols in Minoan Crete. This paper reassesses the significance of the Double-Axe and puts forward a new interpretation for it. It recognizes the great potential for change in symbolic meanings during the Bronze Age and seeks to understand the Double-Axe in as narrow a period as is realistically possible by filtering out evidence from other periods. Central to the argument is the principle that the meaning of symbols is contextually dependent. It builds, therefore, a new interpretation of the Double-Axe on the basis of as wide a range of contextual associations as possible, both within iconographic sources and in the wider material record. From these contextual associations, it suggests that in the Neopalatial period the Double-Axe was a symbol primarily associated with a social group which exercised power in the economic, military and religious realms and that it became a solely religious symbol only later.  相似文献   

14.
在中国的龙文化研究中,金代的龙纹形象一直包含在宋代龙纹的研究范畴中,宋代又是中国龙形象的定型时期,近年来连续发现的金代铜坐龙,对于中国龙文化的研究是非常重要的.本文将唐、宋、辽、金代出土的坐龙的形态特征、出土地点、时代背景作以对比研究,得出金代铜坐龙是渊源于辽代的坐龙、受宋代坐龙影响的、包含了女真族民族文化心理的一种龙的形象,并探索出其发展演变规律及具有守护功用的价值.  相似文献   

15.
This article demonstrates how and when the nation—whether in the shape of concrete national symbols or as an abstract frame of reference—became relevant to ordinary people. It focuses on the experiences and activities of Amsterdam citizens in the second half of the 19th century. Central to the analysis is the apparent contradiction between ‘banal’ or ‘everyday nationalism’, in which nationalist symbols and rhetoric appeared to successfully reach their audience because of their omnipresence in daily life, and ‘national indifference’, as referring to the absence of national identification among the masses. It argues that in order to overcome the dichotomies between elites and masses and national and non-national performances, we should focus on the popular incentives for national identification, rather than on the ideological content and the (physical or symbolic) borders of the national community.  相似文献   

16.
The nation is a relatively abstract imagined community that is visualised through a variety of symbols as well as communicative and performative practices. In this paper, we explore how the national territory, one of the foundations of the nation‐state, is performed on national‐day celebrations and brings the nation into being. Drawing on ethnographic research on national days in Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, we show how the state's internal administrative divisions and ethnic differences are at once made explicit but also subordinated to the nation. Moreover, we show how in such celebrations, potentially disruptive or competing affiliations such as ethnicity and regional loyalties are re‐imagined. Both the rotation of the central celebration and its replication all over the national territory carry the nation into the regions and integrate the regions into the nation‐state. The ‘co‐memoration’ turns participants and spectators from locals into national compatriots and thus not only performs nationality but also performs the relationship among nation, state and citizen, set within a particular territory.  相似文献   

17.
Clashes over the status of West Papua and the political future of the territory proliferated markedly following the end of Indonesia's New Order regime in 1998. Amid a wide variety of demands for justice and independence, and a series of demonstrations, mass gatherings and prayers, only a few Papuans mused on how Papua could become a state and what would constitute its nature as being distinctly Papuan and/or Melanesian. One exception is the work put into the Constitution for West Papua entitled Basic Guidelines, State of West Papua, a document edited by Don A.L. Flassy, a bureaucrat, writer and thinker, with a preface by late Theys H. Eluay, then chairman of the Papuan Council. In this article I analyse this Constitution to show how a combination of Christianity and local customs, and a mimicry of elements of Indonesian nation building and symbols of the Indonesian nation‐state are reshaped to oppose Indonesian nation‐building agendas. The Constitution shows that when Papuans imagine an independent state, forms of vernacular legality play a central role. ‘The state’ has journeyed to Papua and encouraged faith in ‘the law,’ and Basic Guidelines is partly the effect of this growing vernacular legality. My analysis shows that it is essential to see how legal mobilisations and imaginations of the state articulate with other normative systems and practices – in particular Christianity and custom (adat) – and how they mutually allow for and invite strategies.  相似文献   

18.
近代船山思想资源的开发,不仅体现在对船山形象的塑造上,也体现在对船山思想的传播上。1895年以后,船山在报刊杂志中的曝光率与日俱增,极大地提升了在大众中的知名度。大众媒介中的船山,是经由传播者重新解读、赋予特定内涵的船山,具有明显的加工改铸色彩。在传播方式上,既有学理的剖析,更有通俗白话的解读;既有论说、诠注,也有诗歌、小说。在传播内容上,侧重于王船山的民族气节与攘夷思想,以船山史论振起国魂,以船山《黄书》凝聚黄帝魂,将船山思想通俗化为"攘夷的道理"与"攘夷的法子"。在传播对象上,则由传统士大夫转变为青年学子与社会大众。船山思想经由新媒介而传播到民间,成为清末思想启蒙运动的重要资源。  相似文献   

19.
Scholars of nationalism have long looked to material forms of symbolic power to understand the politics and cultures of nations, and national monuments specifically have been studied as reflections of ideological programmes of political regimes. However, these approaches have paid insufficient attention to processes of creation. Given the importance of material symbols as sites through which the nation is understood, I argue that analysing the dynamics of creation expands our understanding of symbolic nation making. Using the case of Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, and focusing on moments of creation and the actors involved in them, I build a conceptual framework for understanding the construction of national symbols on the ground based on three interconnected and co-constituting dynamics: spatial, temporal and aesthetic/semiotic. Using this framework, I demonstrate how meaning and materiality are related to one another both as component and consequent in the creation of national monuments and how it is their very imperfection as material representations that provides the context for the nation to emerge as a category of discourse.  相似文献   

20.
The archaeological evidence for mirrors in Iron Age, Roman and Early Historic Scotland is examined and compared with the depiction of Mirror Symbols on Pictish sculpture. Bar-, shaped- and triangular-handled mirrors which occur in the archaeological record are all represented on Pictish sculpture, and other types of mirror unknown archaeologically from Scotland also occur on Pictish sculpture. The Pictish Mirror symbol, either alone or in conjunction with the Comb symbol, is usually thought to have acted as a qualifier for other pairs of symbols and to be feminine; but the evidence does not support this and it probably acted as a status qualifier for particular individuals rather than for other symbols, and may be linked to royalty.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号