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An American social scientist explores the relations between core and periphery in the post-Soviet economy, using the Russian Far East as a case study. His analysis draws on Western and Russian conceptual literature on economic peripheries, as well as on the Russian periodical press and recent interviews with officials in the Far East (conducted during research in Primorskiy Kray in January-February 1996). A concluding section outlines policy options for regional development, either in concert with Moscow or through an independent course of action. 52 references. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O10, P2, R58.  相似文献   

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This article provides an introduction to one of the lesser-known examples of European settler colonialism, the settlement of European (mainly Russian and Ukrainian) peasants in Southern Central Asia (Turkestan) in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It establishes the legal background and demographic impact of peasant settlement, and the role played by the state in organising and encouraging it. It explores official attitudes towards the settlers (which were often very negative), and their relations with the local Kazakh and Kyrgyz population. The article adopts a comparative framework, looking at Turkestan alongside Algeria and Southern Africa, and seeking to establish whether paradigms developed in the study of other settler societies (such as the ‘poor white’) are of any relevance in understanding Slavic peasant settlement in Turkestan. It concludes that there are many close parallels with European settlement in other regions with large indigenous populations, but that racial ideology played a much less important role in the Russian case compared to religious divisions and fears of cultural backsliding. This did not prevent relations between settlers and the ‘native’ population deteriorating markedly in the years before the First World War, resulting in large-scale rebellion in 1916.  相似文献   

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The trans-Saharan railway scheme was the dominant, if intermittent, theme of French African expansion in the last 20?years of the nineteenth century. Behind political and economic arguments for the scheme lay a hidden agenda—the promotion of Algerian railway interests. Its revival in 1890, after a ten-year interval, was driven by a need to safeguard returns on railway investments, threatened by the growing political influence of the Radicals. Success in a campaign on its behalf was dependent on reinvigorating empire-building in tropical Africa, a function performed by the Chad plan, which also provided the required territorial configuration for a trans-Saharan railway. Subsequently, interest shifted from West Africa to the Sahara where efforts to promote railway construction through exploitation of the Tuat question stood greater chances of success. Saharan expansion was delayed for almost a decade by the obstinacy of the Algerian generals and the timidity of governments in France, before finally being resolved by a fait accompli. However, political circumstances at home, and the emergence of new railway competition in the Sahara, prevented the railway companies from reaping the full reward for their efforts. On the map, if not in any practical sense, a territorially unified French African empire had been completed by 1900, whose origins can be traced directly to the activities of the railway lobby.  相似文献   

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From Nixon to Reagan, official US perceptions of West German trade with the Soviet Union (Osthandel) underwent a remarkable evolution. Despite initial skepticism, the Nixon and Ford administrations placed no major obstacles to West German–Soviet economic relations. Carter, however, changed the situation. His stance on human rights and economic sanctions against the Soviets for various developments - along with his belief that West Germany should follow the United States' lead - led Carter to ask Schmidt to curtail Osthandel, an action that contributed to Schmidt's notoriously poor relationship with the US President. Despite coming from a different political party, Reagan initially continued Carter's outlook on Osthandel. Yet rather than emphasize human rights, he publicly stressed Poland's self-determination as the reason to implement his aggressive policy to curb trade with the USSR, even though his advisers feared the strategic implications of greater German dependence on Soviet energy. Carter's and Reagan's early approaches were ineffective. Their actions, especially the latter's, strained US relations with Germany, the United States' most important ally in central Europe. Equally important, both Carter's and Reagan's policies undermined détente with Moscow. Because Nixon and Ford's approach to Osthandel harmed neither US–German relations nor US–Soviet relations, these presidents' responses had conspicuous advantages over succeeding administrations.  相似文献   

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《Northern history》2013,50(1):75-89
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In the early industrial period, financial and professional services were mainly accommodated within residential premises. Centrally located houses became increasingly given over to office use. Eventually, converted parlours and bedrooms proved inadequate and enterprises started to commission specially designed premises: the era of purpose-built offices eventually arrived, brought about by a combination of growing commercial wealth, institutional reform, residential suburbanisation and acceptance of new fashions in the use of architecture. This study of the emergence of the office district of Leeds illustrates the transformation of urban space in the early industrial era. New light is cast on the relationship between the growth of office uses and the process of suburbanisation, and there is a detailed analysis and mapping of the transformation of particular streets and of the role played by individual professions. The paper covers the era up to 1861 when the purpose-built office era can be said to have become established in Leeds.  相似文献   

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On the eve of Congressional Reconstruction, all seven states of the Lower South had laws against interracial marriage. During the Republican interlude that began in 1867–68, six of the seven states (all but Georgia) suspended those laws, whether through judicial invalidation or legislative repeal. Yet by 1894 all six had restored such bans. The trajectory of miscegenation laws in the Lower South between 1865 and 1900 permits a reconsideration of the range of possibilities the Reconstruction era brought to public policy. More than that, it forces a reconsideration of the origins of the Jim Crow South. Legally mandated segregation in public transit, as C. Vann Woodward observed in 1955, took hold late in the century. But such segregation in public education, as Howard R. Rabinowitz pointed out with his formula ‘from exclusion to segregation,’ originated during the first postwar years. Segregation on the marital front – universal at the start of the period and again at the end, but relaxed in most Lower South states for a time in between – combined the two patterns into yet a third. Adding another layer of complexity was the issue of where the color line was located, and thus which individuals were classified on each side of it.  相似文献   

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This article examines Anglo–Dutch rivalry in the Banda Islands in the period from 1609 to 1621, with a particular focus on the process of claiming initiated by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and English East India Company (EIC). Historians have paid little attention to the precise legal justifications employed by these organisations, and how they affected the outcome of events. For both companies, treaties with Asian rulers and peoples were essential in staking out claims to trade and territory. Because so many different parties were involved, individual documents had to serve multiple purposes, both on the ground in the East Indies and at the negotiating tables back in Europe. Whenever a VOC or EIC official presented a treaty to a Bandanese leader, he had to recognise local power structures in the Spice Islands, but also needed to consider his European competitors in the area, his superiors in Batavia or Bantam, and the company directors back in Amsterdam or London. Consequently, the safest and most reliable course of action was to make as many arguments as possible, piling them on top of one another. The result was an inherently messy process of claiming, yet one that was also clearly intelligible to most parties involved, including Asian rulers and peoples. A constantly changing legal suite extended to freedom of trade and navigation, contracts and alliances with native peoples, just war, conquest, actual possession, and the (perceived) surrender of native sovereignty to European authorities.  相似文献   

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During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, within the framework of imperial expansion and exploitation there were opportunities for individuals to acquire wealth and power. Several men grew wealthy in India through the opportunities afforded to them by the East India Company, with lucrative careers and the possibility of generating money through commerce and trade. Britain witnessed the return of several East Indians, or ‘nabobs’ as individuals who returned home with considerable wealth were called. Indeed, some of these nabobs succeeded in amassing sizeable fortunes during their time in the East. This article aims to address a neglected area in the historiography, by examining the experiences of Welshmen as sojourners in India. In comparison with Scotland in particular, but also England and Ireland, the Welsh dimension of the East India Company is under-researched. This article highlights the existence of networks of patronage in existence in Wales which facilitated the voyage out to India and the return home of men in the employ of the East India Company during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Networks were predominantly regional or familial, with family members supporting and sustaining loved ones during their time in India, and aiding them in their return home at the end of their sojourn in the East. The importance of letters in maintaining links with home is explored, not only as a method of relaying news, but also as a means for the sojourner to maintain an emotional link with home, and ultimately to lay the groundwork for a smooth transition home. How these Welshmen viewed themselves while out in India will be analysed, and the multi-layered nature of concepts of identity explored. Identity could be regional in focus, while some showed an awareness of a Welsh identity. Integration within the broader framework of the British East India Company is evident, as is the broader European community in the East.  相似文献   

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The emergence of new historiographical approaches to the study of British imperialism over the past two decades, has begun to challenge the trade-to-empire narrative which continues to dominate the way historians understand the English East India Company's presence in Asia, anchoring the beginnings of empire there to the mid-eighteenth century. However, as this article argues, Company servants operating on the West Coast of Sumatra sought imperial expansion through political hegemony and territorial acquisitions as far back as the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Indeed, Company servants, distinct from the directors in London, formulated these imperial, expansionist policies on the West Coast in support of a private, patriarchal authority which they had developed to rule over the people they encountered there.  相似文献   

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