国际法在解决领土争端中的作用及困境评析

当今世界领土争端问题广泛存在,尤其以亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲、欧洲等居多,国际法作为调整国与国之间关系的法律,在解决领土争端领域正日益发挥着重要作用。作为国际法的主要司法机构———国际法院逐步受到国际社会的关注,本文以国际法院解决的领土争端案为依据,比较国际法院与其它政治谈判手段在解决领土争端问题上的不同之处;总结国际法院在审案过程中运用的基本法律原则,受理领土争端案的主要特征;分析在现实世界中国际法院解决领土争端所遭遇的困境以及对我国的启示。     

20世纪后半叶国外非洲边界和领土争端问题研究述评

非洲国家自战后相继取得独立以来,其边界和领土争端成为20世纪后半期国外研究非洲问题的学者们长期关注的问题之一。从已有的学术专著和论文来看,非洲边界和领土争端的产生原因、边界和领土争端中的热点个案、非统与非洲边界和领土争端的解决以及非洲边界和领土争端中的相关法律问题等都是学者们所重点关注的部分。学者们对有些问题的研究已经基本达成共识,而有些问题仍需要进一步研究。对非洲边界和领土争端进行跨学科研究,特别是历史、政治和国际法相结合的研究是未来的发展趋势。     

从历史和政治角度分析中日钓鱼岛争端内因

2012年9月10日,日本政府召开内阁会议,不顾中方一再严正交涉,宣布"购买"钓鱼岛,实施所谓"国有化"进一步激起了中国的不满和抗议。钓鱼岛争端表面两个国家领土争端,然而其中却蕴含着错综复杂的历史和政治关系。中日两方僵持不下也受到国际政治局面的影响,对此有必要对钓鱼岛争端的原因进行剖析与了解。     

国外关于中印领土争端的研究

1962年中印两国因领土争端爆发了一场边境战争。40余年来,国外研究中印领土争端的学术成果不断取得进步。总的来看,国外学术界对于中印领土争端的关注主要体现在以下四个方面:     

《鸟粪岛法》与美国海洋领土的扩张

19世纪中期,美国完成了在北美大陆的扩张后将矛头伸向海洋。1856年颁布的《鸟粪岛法》以及依此而占据的大量鸟粪岛,是这一扩张活动的先声。《鸟粪岛法》的通过,反映出内战前美国国内农业经济发展对政治的压力。鸟粪岛扩展了美国在太平洋和加勒比海地区的势力存在,为1898年美西战争的胜利奠定了基础,成为美国扩张海洋领土和拓展海外利益的前沿地带,对19世纪末20世纪初的美国对外战略调整具有重要意义。这些岛屿为美国追求亚洲市场,参与亚洲太平洋地区的大国竞争提供了跳板。美国通过国内立法的方式来占据海洋领土,这种行为与传统国际法准则间存在内在矛盾,由此引发了诸多领土争端。     

中国维护世界和平与地区安全的历史作用

20世纪三四十年代,中国为世界反法西斯战争的胜利做出了不可磨灭的贡献,并积极参与创建联合国,为战后世界和平与稳定提供了政治保障。新中国成立以来奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,以维护周边稳定大局为重,致力于和平解决领土主权争端和历史遗留问题,积极改善周边关系。     

南海主权地缘政治经济透析

南海诸岛自古以来就是中国领土。由于其独特的地理区位及资源战略价值,南海周边国家围绕南海诸岛的领土、领海主权争端愈演愈烈,形成了今天"六国七方"的复杂局面。本文从政治经济地理的角度探讨了南海的地缘战略及资源战略价值,阐述了南海主权争端的由来及现状以及中国对南海主权的法律地位,在此基础上对南海主权争端的实质进行了分析,并得出结论,随着2010年中国与东盟自由贸易区的建立和大湄公河次区域经济合作项目的全面启动,中国与南海沿岸各国的经济合作、政治互信和共同利益越来越多,这将有助于减少外部大国遏制中国的借口,南海问题将会由直接有关的各方共同找到一个大家都能接受的解决办法。     

海疆危机与近代中国的国家构建

19世纪中叶以后,西欧各国海上东来,撞开中国国门,刺激了近代中国海洋性因素的生成与培育,对中国国家构建产生了深远影响。西欧各国的领土主权观,极大地冲击和销蚀了传统中国普世王国形态下的主权观念,促进了近代中国主权观念的衍生。同时,近代中国也利用了西欧各国对主权和国际法的界定,确立了中国领土管辖范围的界限,强化了中国海洋领土观念,但是影响中国长远发展的海洋制约性因素并未从根本上消除。     

清代中越陆路边界桂粤段交涉述论（1644—1885）

1644-1885年间,中越陆路边界桂粤段发生了多起领土争端,并引发了清朝与安南（越南）各王朝的边界交涉。本对这些争端和交涉的相关史实作了论述、分析,认为边境地区复杂的民族关系和两国统治对边疆领土的不同认识是影响交涉结果的主要因素。     

浅析冷战以来美国南海政策的演变

南海问题出现于20世纪60年代末70年代初,涉及七方六国,是指中国与越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、文莱、中国台湾等国家及地区关于南沙群岛主权归属和领海、大陆架及专属经济区划分产生的争端,主要包括领土归属和管辖两方面的内容。美国是对南海问题具有影响力的区外国家。自冷战以来,美国不断调整其对南海的政策,以实现自身国家利益的最大化。美国不断插手南海事务不仅仅是政治上的原因,还有其经济、军事等方面的因素。本文试图分析美国自冷战以来,根据世界政治格局与自身的国家利益不断调整南海政策的历史过程。     

1958年《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》研究

根据国家主权原则,在总结中国领海管理的理论与实践的基础上,结合国际实践和公认的国际法原则,1958年中国政府颁布了《中华人民共和国政府关于领海的声明》,标志着新中国领海制度的初步建立,这对捍卫中国领海主权、维护海洋利益、发展海上交往、巩固海防等都具有重大的意义。     

Maritime territorialisation as performance of sovereignty and nationhood in the South China Sea

The South China Sea (SCS) is a conflict‐ridden international arena of rivalry between China, the USA, India, and the other ASEAN countries over sovereignty, resources and security. In this geopolitical clash China is the dominant force and Vietnam its main challenger. While most analysts assume that the various claims to the mostly uninhabited islands are motivated by the presence of submarine mineral resources, the conflicts evoke strong nationalist feelings in Vietnam and China, fuelled by narratives of the historical presence of fisheries and navies. By analysing the tension between complex territorial claims, new technologies and forms of knowledge applied by these states to delineate their material borders on the sea and vernacular notions of social space, this paper explores how sovereignty and nationality is enacted on a day‐to‐day basis. Thus, I argue that maritime territorialisation is a paradox of treating the sea as ‘land’ produced by the performance of a socially constructed image of the state geo‐body capitalising on strong nationalistic sentiments in China and Vietnam.     

海洋在中国地缘政治中的作用

海洋具有与日俱增的地缘政治价值。中国海域拥有突出的地缘战略意义。维护海权是中华民族的一项长期任务。     

《海录》作者、版本、内容新论

《海录》是记述当时海外邻近国际航线的各国、各地区、各城市见闻的作。《海录》对南中国海岛屿、航线的记述,对研究19世纪初中国南海海疆具有重要价值。《海录》是清代记述世界各大洲、各国、各地状况最多最全的作之一,是清代最早记述西方工业明的作之一,对近代以林则徐、魏源为代表的思想家产生过重要影响。     

Consuming geopolitics and feeling maritime territoriality: The case of China's patriotic tourism in the South China Sea

This paper develops the concept of territorial socialisation and explores the process and effect of tourism in China's maritime territorialisation of the South China Sea. The research demonstrates the mutual constitution of tourism and territorialisation and suggests that tourism is playing an increasingly important role in everyday contexts to socialise individuals into national-territorial thinking. However, tourism alone does not decidedly stoke strong territorial nationalism, instead it produces uneven bordering or territorialisation effects at the personal level. Tourism practices, tourist agency, and the distinct wet ontology of the sea complicate the state maritime territorialisation process. The research also shows that the Chinese tourists are pragmatic, calculative geopolitical actors. Their geopolitical experiences through tourism are connected to, and embedded in, the broad geopolitical realities of China's rising and unjust international orders, while informed by official territorial rhetoric and traditional political culture.     

Contesting Conquests: Nineteenth-Century German and Polish Historiography of the Expansion of the Holy Roman Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Union

The problem of conquests and territorial expansion, including their interpretation, evaluation, and legitimisation, has been crucial for European national historiographies. Consequently, attempts by the Holy Roman emperors, particularly of the Saxon and Hohenstaufen dynasties, to control Italy and Burgundy were hotly debated among nineteenth-century German historians, while Poland's union with Lithuania, and the annexation of the vast territories of the east which followed, was a central topic for Polish historians of the time. Modern historians of historiography in both countries have carefully analysed these narratives, emphasising their ideological and political contexts, such as their involvement in the Grossdeutsch versus Kleindeutsch controversy and the controversy between the so-called Cracow and Warsaw historical schools. In this paper I propose a comparative analysis of these two discourses which dealt with analogical issues and, as I demonstrate, developed with a parallel dynamic. Such an analysis, I argue, allows an escape from the paradigm of national exceptionalism, and the discovery of what was typical or, perhaps, constitutive of the discourse on territorial expansion of the time, instead of focusing on the uniqueness of the national context. This analysis embraces the conceptualisation, argumentation, and rhetoric of those nineteenth-century German and Polish historians discussing the expansion of the medieval Holy Empire and early-modern Poland. Moreover, it locates their interpretations within an international context of a broader Western historiographical tradition, involving issues of domination, cultural transfer, and colonialism. Finally, it examines the parallel mechanism of searching for, advocating, and perpetuating the idea of uniqueness of national history.     

Morphology and Significance of Transverse Ridges (De Geer Moraines) Adjacent to the Moray Firth,NE Scotland

Abstract

High-resolution NEXTMap digital surface models and aerial photographs are used to map suites of transverse ridges at Tarbat Ness and to the west of Elgin, along the margins of the Moray Firth in northeast Scotland. Based on their morphology, configuration and location, interpret these landforms as De Geer moraines which formed at or near former grounding line positions of the Moray Firth palaeo-ice stream. The Tarbat Ness De Geer moraines almost certainly formed at a marine margin. Reaching altitudes of 55 m above present OD, these landforms may provide one of the highest geomorphological indicators for former relative sea level in mainland Britain. Evidence from surrounding landforms and sediments suggest that the ridges formed between c. 15 000–18 000 cal yrs BP, indicating that a significant fall in relative sea level may have taken place prior to an ice margin re-advance in the Moray Firth, known as the Ardersier Oscillation.     

南中国海争端与中菲关系

中国在南中国海的主权受到一些国家的挑战,菲律宾是其中之一。菲律宾最早对南中国海的岛礁提出领土要求可追溯到20世纪30年代。菲律宾在南中国海的活动分为三个阶段。20世纪70年代以前,菲律宾政府不断地对南沙岛礁提出领土要求,也支持其国民到南沙海域勘探,但未占领中国南沙岛礁;20世纪70年代,菲律宾占领了部分南沙岛礁;冷战结束后,由渔业纠纷而引发了美济礁和黄岩岛问题,影响较大。总的来看,南中国海争端一定程度上影响了两国关系,但不影响双边关系的大局。在可预见的将来,南中国海的局势将维持现状,双方会通过协商途径解决可能出现的纠纷和争执。     

Geopolitics and the Northern Sea Route

Experimental transit voyages along the Northern Sea Route to the north of Russia are breaking new ground each year and the route is already significant for the export of raw materials from Russian ports. National and corporate interests are now driving Russia's Arctic policy, rather than, as formerly, an exclusive focus on security, and the Russian government has ambitious plans for the development of the route. Future regular transit of the Northern Sea Route between Europe and Asia, at present facing serious obstacles, could be accelerated not only by climate change, but by overload on, or interruptions to, the existing route through the Suez Canal, which passes through some of the world's most volatile regions. Despite the formidable impediments to regular year round transit of the Northern Sea Route, governments of the non‐Arctic states with most at stake, particularly Germany and China, appear to be taking no chances, and to be jockeying for influence in the Arctic region. The interests of the non‐Arctic trading states, and of the European Union, more inclined to view the Arctic Ocean as part of the ‘common heritage of mankind’, are however potentially different from those of Russia, and indeed of Canada in respect of the North East passage, both determined to maintain their exclusive national jurisdiction over emerging sea lanes through their territorial waters. Great issues are at stake here. The emergence of new sea lanes has historically impacted heavily on the international balance of power. Where the merchant fleets go, navies will shortly follow.     

The origins of the South China Sea issue

China discovered and was the first to name and explore the South China Sea islands and the adjacent waters, and China has exercised sovereignty and jurisdiction over them since the Tang and Song dynasties. In modern times, imperialists shattered the peace of the South China Sea using advanced weapons, but Chinese sovereignty over this area has never been challenged. In the more than 60 years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese government has pursued the principle of “claiming sovereignty, shelving disputes, and seeking joint development” and has exercised sovereignty and jurisdiction over and explored the South China Sea islands and territorial waters peacefully and effectively. The lure of resources and profits and strategic competition among countries beyond the region, however, have complicated the prospects for resolving the South China Sea issue.