从同治、光绪大婚瓷看晚清宫廷用瓷的使用与筹办

本文在既有研究基础上,以光绪《大婚典礼全图》（以下简称《大婚图》）为线索,结合同治、光绪《大婚典礼红档》（以下简称《红档》）等清宫档案,辨析清代皇帝大婚前后在妆奁、铺宫、筵宴等不同场合使用的瓷器,以及这些瓷器的获取途径、筹办机构等,试图将大婚瓷还原至其所属的历史情境,从而理解宫廷用瓷在国家大典中的地位。     

坤宁宫为清帝洞房原因论

坤宁宫在明清两朝都是象征皇后的宫殿,但实际上,在两朝中的功能并不相同。明朝它只是皇后的寝宫,清朝它却是个多功能的场所。名义上当然也象征着皇后,但却不专作皇后的寝宫,而是兼备杀猪、祭神与帝后大婚洞房之用。它与清后在实际上的联系,仅是个别皇后在大婚时与皇帝共渡花烛夜而已。那么,清代为何改变了坤宁     

同治大婚瓷研究

本文论述的大婚瓷除以往被提到的一万余件大婚礼用瓷外,还新增加了皇后妆奁用瓷和"燕喜同和"款瓷。文中通过文献文物梳理,对大婚瓷的烧造、艺术特征及烧造缘由进行了探讨,指出大婚瓷是严格遵循宫廷的礼仪制度而制成的,是帝王婚礼文化的重要载体。     

光绪大婚全纪录：《大婚典礼红档》

在清宫里,最喜庆热闹、最复杂隆重、最奢侈浪费的活动即是皇帝的大婚典礼,但不是每位皇帝都有幸在紫禁城里举办婚礼,只有幼年登极的顺治、康熙、同治、光绪四位皇帝,真正举行了大婚礼迎娶皇后。本文依据中国第一历史档案馆所藏《大婚典礼红档》,简要介绍光绪帝大婚典礼的全过程。     

清代皇后册立与八旗大姓氏族

皇后是皇帝的配偶,但皇后的内涵却不仅仅限于“帝妻”一层,因此,册立皇后之礼一向都被列入历朝典章,成为朝廷大典。清代也不例外,“册后之礼”赫然列在《大清会典》第11项嘉礼。清朝自太祖努尔哈赤至德宗载湉11帝,共有28位帝妻得到过皇后的称号。不过,同为皇后,差别却很大,有的是经大婚册立的嫡皇后,有的是死后才追谥的皇后;有的4后同属1位皇帝,有的却仅1后属1帝,有的皇后属同宗同族,有的与其他任何1位皇后都无家族联系。本文拟通过考察她们册立的途径、礼仪、原因以及她们与皇帝个人、朝中政治集团的关系等等,探明皇后内涵中超出“帝妻”的内容以及清代立后与八旗大姓氏族之间的关系。     

从皇帝大婚典礼看清朝行政机构之运转

中国古代是家国同构体制,这一特点在皇家事务中体现得尤为鲜明。皇帝大婚既是国家大典,又是皇家一族一姓的家事,由此可见中央、地方各机构间的关联及职能运作。本文以清代皇帝大婚,尤以清末同治、光绪二帝大婚为切入点,剖析各行政机构之间的运作模式,从而加深对历史复杂性的理解。     

庄妃为何未葬沈阳清昭陵

庄妃(孝庄文皇后)是清太宗皇太极"五宫后妃"之一,是顺治皇帝生身母亲。按照清代皇帝、皇后丧葬制度,凡是在皇帝身后薨逝的皇后,应在皇帝陵旁修建皇后陵。而庄妃未被归葬沈阳皇太极的清昭陵,却被葬在了河北遵化清东陵孝陵外的昭西陵。本文围绕庄妃未葬昭陵的原因展开论述,以求破解这个史学界长期以来争论不休的谜团。     

坐轿这件事

轿子是清代主要的交通工具,有权有钱的人都想靠它代步。然而,在清代,从皇帝到各级官员,能不能乘轿、怎样乘轿都有具体规定。潘洪纲在《细说清人社会生活》一书中介绍：在清代,皇帝、皇后可以坐36人抬的奢华的轿子,其他官员,旗籍亲王、郡王、大学士、尚书准许乘轿;贝勒、贝子、公、都统及二品文臣,只有年老体弱或得到皇帝特许的人才能＂乘舆＂。     

清帝怎样过春节

北京故宫的坤宁宫,是清代皇帝过年的地方。大年初一,天还没完全亮,皇后便起床了,亲自动手将8只已宰好的整猪放入锅内,将猪煮熟。等皇帝从天坛祭天回来之后,隆重庆典活动便开始了。     

光绪皇帝怎样选定后妃

1887年（光绪十三年）,光绪帝已满17岁,到了配偶结亲的时候。按照清王朝的惯例,幼帝一经完婚,就要亲理朝政了。给光绪帝配偶成亲,对于西太后来讲,意义非常重大。在封建王朝中,皇帝的后、妃,尤其是皇后,对皇帝的思想及其政务活动具有特殊的影响力。慈禧本人,就是凭自己的丽质平步青云,逐步成为清廷的最高主宰者。根据清廷律例,在皇帝大婚之前,凡亲贵大员家中有女在14岁以上者,均须报名听选,经数次淘汰,取得优胜者,再由皇帝亲择选定。1888年1月8日（农历十月初五）由光绪帝最终选定后,妃的活动在体和殿进行。备选的三位达官…     

从嫁妆制度的变化看古罗马社会妇女的经济地位

古罗马实行的是嫁妆婚姻."女儿出嫁给予嫁妆"从一种习俗变成法律的硬性规定;嫁妆的数额经历了由少到多的变化;妻子对嫁妆的权利则经历着从无到有的演变.这是一个逐渐对妇女有利的发展过程,也是罗马财产让渡的一个发展过程,它对于妇女而言不仅仅是获取陪嫁物,更重要的是通过嫁妆参与了社会财产的分配.罗马妇女通过嫁妆制度参与社会财产分配与让渡,在罗马社会发展进程中起到重要作用,从而显示出自己独特的经济地位.     

Gender,Caste and Matchmaking in Kerala: A Rationale for Dowry

The matrilineal castes of northern Kerala consider dowry demeaning and resort to it only in ‘exceptional’ circumstances. In local discourse, dowry is transacted when women are considered ‘old’ by the standards of the marriage market, where over‐age is a condition reached usually on account of what is considered a deficit of a normative conception of femininity. Dowry is practised openly only by poor and socially vulnerable households, as the relatively affluent could mask dowry with hidden compensations. This article explores the ways in which gender mediates matchmaking and generates a residual category of women for whom dowry is openly negotiated. Open negotiation on the margins of the marriage market expose the terms of exchange in ‘respectable’ society, where matchmaking strategies reveal the emphasis placed on conjugality and on caste in the social construction of women's interests and identity. Up to the mid‐twentieth century, matrilineal women derived their identity from their natal families. The political economy of marriage in Kerala brought a new emphasis to bear on conjugality and on caste, which generated new restrictions on women and produced a rationale for dowry.     

Economics of Marriage Change in a South Indian Village

The Indian marriage system has undergone major changes in the last few decades. Studies have found an expansion and intensification of dowry and increase in age at marriage. Using information from a village in Tamil Nadu, south India, this article shows that recent marriage changes in the study village (increased number of love-marriages and stagnation or slight decline in marriage age) are caused by the economic independence and personal autonomy among the younger generation which are products of major changes in the socio-economic organization of the society.     

Early marriage in Bangladesh

Using Matlab demographic surveillance data (HDSS), we assess if misreporting of age at marriage could be contributing to the apparent persistence of early marriage in Bangladesh. A random sample of 1766 women aged 15–29 born in HDSS area was selected. Almost two-thirds misreported their age at marriage, but not randomly—56 percent under-reported while seven percent over-reported their age at first marriage.

Among the currently married group aged 20–24, the reported mean age at first marriage was 16.8 years, comparable to 16.6 years given by Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2011 for the same age group. However a cross-check with their actual dates of birth recorded in the Matlab HDSS database reveals that the true mean age at first marriage was 18.6 years—giving an average difference of almost two years between reported and actual ages at marriage. The paper identifies rising dowry as a likely determinant of age misreporting.     

Demographic events and economic conditions of rural households in Bangladesh

Demographic events, such as death of adults and marriage of children, place a heavy burden on household economy, while economic and labour migration may lessen the burden. This study examined the effects of demographic events on economic condition of rural households in Bangladesh. Household possessions of durable assets in the Matlab demographic surveillance area in 1996 and 2005 were used to calculate asset scores, a proxy for long-term economic condition. Events of adult (aged 15–59 years) death and marriage of girls during 1996–2005 were associated with lower asset scores in 2005 compared to households with no such events. Out-migration of adult males, but not females, to urban areas or other countries and marriage of boys were associated with higher asset scores in 2005 compared to households with no out-migration or boy's marriage. Findings suggest that the government should attach high priority to adult health, abolition of dowry, and encourage out-migration.     

Gender Bias in China,South Korea and India 1920–1990: Effects of War,Famine and Fertility Decline

How has the history of the twentieth century affected the extent of female disadvantage in child survival in China, South Korea and India, and how has this in turn shaped spousal availability and marriage payments? These three countries have similar kinship systems which generate discrimination against girls, and they show the highest levels of excess female child mortality in the world. This article explores how the extent of excess female child mortality was influenced by historical events in these countries in the period 1920–90, and discusses some of the substantial social ramifications of resulting changes in sex ratios. The authors hypothesize that these changes encouraged the retention of brideprice in China while dowry became the norm in India, and illustrate how these demographic changes have influenced the extent and manifestations of violence against women.     

Inventories and the Analysis of Wealth and Consumption Patterns In St. Mary's County,Maryland, 1658–1777

Abstract. This article is the first systematic attempt to measure the existence and degree of dowry inflation in South Asia. The popular press and scholarly literature have assumed dowry inflation in South Asia for some time, and there are now a number of theoretical papers that have attempted to explain the rise of dowries in South Asia. Despite these advances, there has been no systematic study of dowry inflation. Using large-sample retrospective survey data from India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Nepal, researchers assess the empirical evidence for dowry inflation. They find no evidence that real dowry amounts have systematically increased over time in South Asia.     

Charles the Bald and Aethelwulf of Wessex: the alliance of 856 and strategies of royal succession

Scholars have usually supposed that the marriage of King Aethelwulf of Wessex to the daughter of Charles the Bald in 856 signified the creation of an anti-Danish alliance between the two rulers. That this union signified a royal accord is not in doubt but there is no evidence to associate it with any venture against Danes. Though the evidence is not conclusive it appears more probable that Aethelwulf's marriage to Princess Judith was part of a scheme to prevent or to undermine a rebellion in England then being fomented by Aethelwulf's son Aethelbald who desired his father's throne. For his part Charles the Bald aimed at gaining influence in England. At the time of her marriage Judith was crowned and anointed and this was a rare occurrence. When analyzed in the proper light it suggests the existence of a compact by the terms of which Aethelwulf would disinherit Aethelbald at some future date should Judith bear a son. The marriage, then, did not signify an alliance against Danes. Rather it denoted an alliance against Aethelwulf's son Aethelbald.     

Charles the Bald and Aethelwulf of Wessex: the alliance of 856 and strategies of royal succession

Scholars have usually supposed that the marriage of King Aethelwulf of Wessex to the daughter of Charles the Bald in 856 signified the creation of an anti-Danish alliance between the two rulers. That this union signified a royal accord is not in doubt but there is no evidence to associate it with any venture against Danes. Though the evidence is not conclusive it appears more probable that Aethelwulf's marriage to Princess Judith was part of a scheme to prevent or to undermine a rebellion in England then being fomented by Aethelwulf's son Aethelbald who desired his father's throne. For his part Charles the Bald aimed at gaining influence in England. At the time of her marriage Judith was crowned and anointed and this was a rare occurrence. When analyzed in the proper light it suggests the existence of a compact by the terms of which Aethelwulf would disinherit Aethelbald at some future date should Judith bear a son. The marriage, then, did not signify an alliance against Danes. Rather it denoted an alliance against Aethelwulf's son Aethelbald.     

The changing relationship between education and marriage in the United States, 1940-2000

In 1940, when gender specialization was high, there was a negative relationship between education and marriage for women. College-educated women were least likely to be currently married and most likely to be never married. Declines in specialization were accompanied by a transition in this relationship. By 2000, when gender specialization was low, there was a positive relationship between education and marriage for women. College-educated women were most likely to be currently married, in part because they were more likely to stay married or remarry after divorce or widowhood. This transition occurred earlier and more completely for black women than for white women. These changes suggest that the relationship between education and marriage is shaped in part by the gender-role context.