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DANZHIN LHUZHUB 《中国西藏(英文版)》2005,16(5):21-23
My parents are the descendants of handicraftsmen. My father was born in 1933 and is 68 years old. At the age of 13 he learned gem inlaying technology from grandpa. There were five brothers in my father's home, but he lost his mother at the age of five. At the age of 18, he married and I was born when he was 25. 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》1999,(6)
LangDarma,Tuboking,waskilledin84s2.Twoofhissons,WesumandYundain,foughteachotherforpower.Duringtheperiod,slavesinDorgansiineasternTuborevolted,forcinqtheTuboroyalfamiliestofleewestwardin985.Bekortsang,sonofWesum,waskilledbytherevoltingslaves.Hisson,GyideNyimafledtoBurang,wherehemarriedthedaughterofaminister,andhadthreesons.ThefirstsonoccupiedMangyuandlaterbecametheleaderofLhadaka;thesecondsonseizedBurang,becomingifsleader,andthethirdsoncontrolledZabolang,foundingtheGugeKingdominZadaCoun… 相似文献
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Edward E. Hunt Jr. 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(3):447-451
M. H. Crawford and P. L. Workman, eds. Methods and Theories of Anthropological Genetics. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1973. xv + 509 pp. Figures, tables, references, and index. $20.00. 相似文献
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Nick Higham 《Early Medieval Europe》2006,14(4):391-418
Northumbria's southern frontier was arguably the most important political boundary inside pre‐Viking England. It has, however, attracted little scholarly attention since Peter Hunter Blair's seminal article in Archaeo‐logia Aeliana in 1948, which later commentators have generally followed rather uncritically. This essay reviews his arguments in the light of more recent research and casts doubt on several key aspects of his case: firstly, it contests his view that this boundary was fundamental to the naming of both southern and northern England and its kingdoms; secondly, it queries the supposition that the Roman Ridge dyke system is likely to have been a Northumbrian defensive work; thirdly, it critiques the view that the Grey Ditch, at Bradwell, formed part of the frontier; and, finally, it argues against the boundary in the west being along the River Ribble. Rather, pre‐Viking Northumbria more probably included those parts of the eleventh‐century West Riding of Yorkshire which lie south of the River Don, with a frontier perhaps often identical to that at Domesday, and it arguably met western Mercia not on the Ribble but on the Mersey. It was probably political developments in the tenth century, and particularly under Edward the Elder and his son Athelstan, that led to the Mercian acquisition of southern Lancashire and the development of a new ecclesiastical frontier between the sees of Lichfield and York on the Ribble, in a period that also saw the York archdiocese acquire northern Nottinghamshire. 相似文献
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MICHAEL J. BOYLE 《International affairs》2007,83(1):147-159
The recent publication of State of denial, by veteran Washington journalist Bob Woodward, created firestorm of controversy over its central claim that the Bush administration is in denial over the severity of the unfolding crisis in Iraq. But one of the most revealing aspects of the book is its portrayal of the American policymaking process as dysfunctional, incompetent and beset by personal rivalries and ambitions. Woodward's account of the Bush administration's handling of Iraq reveals that bureaucratic necrosis, cronyism and internecine warfare between the Pentagon and the State Department are now the signature features of the American government. Thus an alternative reading of Woodward's book suggests that American people are no longer in denial about Iraq, but have yet to reckon with the deeper problem: the deterioration of their foreign policy establishment. 相似文献
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Brian P. Birch 《Journal of Historical Geography》1981,7(4):397-406
Studies of frontier migration in the American west are hampered by lack of data because few records contain evidence of reasons for migrating or evidence of decisions taken by individual migrants or groups of migrants. An extensive collection of letters from two English brothers who, in 1882, migrated to an English farm colony in north-west Iowa, then moved into horse-raising in Wyoming, then returned to Iowa, and later went back to Wyoming, provides an unusually illuminating case study in frontier migration. The letters reveal reasons for the frequent moves in the west over a seventeen-year period ending with the brothers' successful establishment as sheep ranchers in Wyoming. They show how each shift was conditioned by their previous experience of economic difficulties and by their persistent reliance upon contacts in England. 相似文献
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John G. Rice 《Journal of Historical Geography》1977,3(2):155-175
Frederick Jackson Turner described the American frontier as the great democratizer, a place where people from diverse backgrounds came together, shook off the shackles of their former cultures and blended into the American nation. Detailed study of nineteenth-century rural settlement in the Upper Middle West reveals a more complex picture. A marked spatial clustering of groups from the same country, province and even parish is readily observed. Often these groups were bound together in a close-knit community through the agency of a common church. This paper traces through four decades the farming behaviour and economic fortunes of several such groups who settled on the prairie of Kandiyohi County, Minnesota. The findings indicate that the ethnic community, especially where it consisted of people from a relatively restricted district in the old country, did help to make the frontier experience of its people rather different from that of their neighbours. 相似文献
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Andrew Hurrell 《International affairs》1998,74(3):529-546
This article provides an overview of recent trends in Latin American security and examines three common assumptions that underpin both academic analysis and policy debate—assumptions about the links between political democracy, economic integration and regional stability, and about the need to broaden the agenda of regional security. In contrast to the liberal orthodoxy, there is little reason to believe that the promotion of political democracy and economic liberalization and integration will automatically tend towards regional stability, especially given the weakness of regional institutions, the fragility of many states, the inequality of power among states, and the lack of consensus over the meaning and implications of the 'new security agenda'. 相似文献