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This article assesses the behaviour of three actors, the government, the opposition and the President of the Republic, in the first two years of Berlusconi's government. Though solidly controlled by Berlusconi, his government has already had to replace two important ministers and some under-secretaries and has often behaved like a traditional coalition government. Moreover, it has so far achieved virtually none of the promises made in the 'Contract with the Italians'. It is feebly challenged by a divided opposition, unorganized, leaderless, unable to create a shadow government and just waiting for Romano Prodi's return from Brussels. Precisely because of its weakness, the opposition has often tried to rely on the President of the Republic as a check on Berlusconi's exorbitant power. Indeed, Ciampi has intervened in a more or less controversial way in the drafting of some government bills and has sent a solemn message to parliament asking for a more impartial and pluralist information system; to no avail. However, Ciampi's role and behaviour suggest that the problem of the powers of the President of the Republic has not been solved. Berlusconi's own preference for a popularly elected president and his unsolved conflict of interests indicate that the political and institutional transition in Italy is not yet over.  相似文献   

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A sweeping reassessment of the role of ritual, ceremony, and aesthetics took place in anglophone Protestantism between the late eighteenth and the late nineteenth centuries. While the nineteenth‐century developments themselves have been extensively studied, little scholarly attention has been paid to the importance of the earlier emergence of philosophical language capable of explaining and justifying, in a Protestant context, the ritual and aesthetic dimensions of religious practice. I argue that this language, paradoxically, grew out of a symbiosis of sceptical modernity, traditional religious apologetics, and the religious “enthusiasm” of the early eighteenth century. I approach the topic through the interconnected oeuvres (and careers) of David Hume and Joseph Butler, presenting the first synoptic account of their ideas about the psychological underpinnings of religious worship, and the use made of their ideas by later generations of anglophone Protestants. As mainstream Anglicans, Episcopalians, and Presbyterians confronted the challenges presented by Methodism and Evangelicalism, they found support in a synthesis of Butler's and Hume's ideas. Eventually, the beneficial role of ritual and aesthetics in religious worship came to be widely accepted throughout the anglophone Protestant world.  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(5):586-609
Abstract

How has President Obama made use of the Bible in his political rhetoric, especially as it relates to public policy debates? This article addresses Obama's religious origins, his work as a community organizer in Chicago, his coming to Christian faith under the leadership of Rev. Jeremiah Wright, and the development of his understanding regarding the relationship between faith and politics. In particular President Obama has emphasized the notion that we are all our brothers' and sisters' keepers. He also stresses the present generation of black Americans as "the Joshua Generation." The article considers President Obama's hermeneutics, as well as the important context of the black church for his own use of Scripture. The lenses of Abraham Lincoln, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Reinhold Niebuhr are also addressed as they relate to Obama's use of Scripture in political rhetoric.  相似文献   

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李重华 《史学月刊》2008,1(4):46-51
关于黔江教案尽管当事各方众说纷纭,然无论从教案的酝酿分析,抑或从教案的经过考察,都不难发现,若非官绅鼓动,本案实际上完全可以避免.教案的处理更令人遗憾--除了即使对一名"清官"来说也算不得什么的赔偿和一名"正凶"在中途不明不白地死掉外,其他涉案人员并未受到什么追究.因此,无论所谓"衅由彼族,屈在华民",抑或所谓清政府"崇教以抑民",至少皆不适用于黔江教案.  相似文献   

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The Otterburn Public Inquiry (1997 and 1999) polarized opinion as to how England’s finest countryside should best be utilized. On the one hand, the Ministry of Defence sought to realize a major development in a protected area, whereas on the other, Northumberland County Council and Northumberland National Park Authority opposed the plans, arguing that conservation and recreation should take priority. This study was undertaken several years later and took a retrospective look at the saga through a recollection of personal accounts, so as to examine the impact and legacy that was borne out of this development. Semi-structured interviews were undertaken with a number of stakeholders as part of a wider project on partnership working. It was found that the Ministry of Defence used this planning dispute to affirm that defence of the realm was a greater national interest than environmental protection. The outcome of the Public Inquiry was also found to contribute towards a radical change in the way Northumberland National Park was managed.  相似文献   

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中世纪银行与教廷之间的关系异常密切,前者为后者提供多方面的服务.其中,最基本的服务包括如下四种,即征收税金,接收和转移税款,兑换货币以及提供贷款.对于教廷而言,它之所以离不开意大利银行家的服务,与教延国际化的金融体系关联甚大.银行家则出于赢利的目的为教廷提供服务;但是,同时,还有一点也应该纳入我们的考察范围,即银行家利用教廷的权威以确保和促进其银行业务.银行与教廷之间如此密切的联系,极大地影响到银行自身的发展:中世纪银行的国际化特征以及银行三角平衡贸易的模式,即是这种影响的体现.  相似文献   

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The Third Congressional Districts of Oregon and Washington face each other across the Columbia River. It is not surprising that for more than a decade each district had been represented in Congress by the same representative or that they were both Democrats. Though Oregon's Third District is much more urban and compact than Washington's, they share some of the demographic and economic characteristics which are usually associated with Democratic constituencies outside of the South, namely, a relatively high proportion of persons employed in manufacturing or other heavily unionized occupations, who are relatively mobile, or of fairly recent ethnic stock. What is not so expected is that both incumbent Congressmen were Congresswomen — Edith Green of Oregon and Julia Butler Hansen of Washington. Mrs Green and Mrs Hansen were chosen as the specific subjects of this study because they had both demonstrated political longevity in retaining Congressional office throughout see‐sawing political changes in party domination in both their states and the national administration. They were both longstanding members of the Democratic Party. They were both from the Pacific Northwest, giving them common regional interests, and indeed, while from different states, their districts are continuous with the Columbia River as a common boundary adding specific common district interests. Each had attained what are generally recognized as powerful positions within the structure of the Congress as chairpersons of important subcommittees: Mrs Green as Chairman of the Special Subcommittee on Education of the House Committee on Education and Labor; Mrs Hansen as Chairman of the Subcommittee on Appropriations for the Interior and Related Agencies of the House Appropriations Committee. And finally, both women were in their early sixties.  相似文献   

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In endeavoring to set the stage for an examination and analysis of Mr. Jefferson's three appointments to the Supreme Court of the United States, a summary glance into those of his two predecessors, George Washington and John Adams, both Federalists, is apposite.  相似文献   

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徐义华  温丽萍 《南方文物》2011,(1):137-139,129,130
徐义华《从"中国"看舜的出生地》认为在关于舜出生地的多种说法中,以冀州说和东夷说最为可信,所以辨清冀州说与东夷说的分歧是关键的一步。《孟子.离娄下》记载舜为东夷之人,东夷是与中国相对而言的,所以确定了中国的所指的地区就可以确定东夷所处的大体方位。从夏、商、周三代的记载看,三代时期所称的"中国"都是指今天的中原地区而言,尤其是《孟子》及其同时期的文献中,"中国"主要是指中原地区。那么相对中原而言的东夷,应该在今中原以东地区,以山东地区可能性最大。作为"东夷之人"的舜,出生地当在山东地区。尧、舜时代中国处于国家形成时期,是国家起源和发展过程中一个特殊的阶段,尚没有明确的疆域界化,国家权力也尚未严格遵循世袭制度,舜很可能是生于山东地区,后迁徙到晋南地区,并最终被尧选拔为最高首领。山东诸城、菏泽等地都有丰富的关于舜的传说,是舜出生地的可能性很大。五帝时代古史资料与传说的分布是有一定规律的,即古代人物及其史迹的分布呈现出区域性,形成一个个文化圈,对古史与传说进行区域综合研究,应该是有潜力的方向。就舜的记载与传说分布而言,北到河北,南到广西,西到陕西,东到大海的广大地区都有分布,但集中分布的区域则有四个,一是山西地区,二...  相似文献   

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