From Democracy to Bureaucracy： The Baojia in Nationalist Thought and Practice, 1927-1949

In the 1939 New County Reforms, the Nationalist government made the baojia system the lowest level of self-government in the country. This decision was the result of more than ten years of discussion among Nationalist administrators and writers who were searching for a tutelary system to train the people in their political rights in preparation for constitutional rule. In the 1920s and 1930s, Nationalist writers claimed to be following Sun Zhongshan＇s （Sun Yat-sen） philosophy by reinventing the baojia as a form of democracy. Harkening back to a reimagined national past, they ＂discovered＂ that the imperial baojia was not a system of local control, but a traditional model of bureaucratically-designed local self-government. Nationalist writers dovetailed this new baojia with Sun Zhongshan＇s philosophy in order to rationalize its position as the foundation of the Three Principles of the People State. Once philosophically legitimized, Nationalist writers endorsed the baojia as a top-down bureaucratic system that would transform the political, social, and economic life of the country; it would become the core political unit of their state-making and nation-building projects. In so doing, the baojia came to represent the Nationalists＇ deeply-held belief in the power of human agency to create state institutions capable of entirely remaking society and transforming the nation.     

The silk in Worm History,and JOHN E. HILL,Through the Jade Gate to Rome. A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han Dinasty 1^st to 2^nd Centurtes CE （Juan Pablo Sanchez Hemandez）

The Roman Empire and Han China are represented as the ＂twin powers＂ which reached their peak of extension and prosperity more or less at the same time. In fact, studies have recently noticed the numerous similarities between these two mighty empires at the opposite ends of Eurasia in their political, administrative and cultural circumstances and they have invited a comparative approach in modem scholarship~. However, at that time, distances were too great to permit these kinds of comparisons, and an incomplete （if not archetypical） view prevails in all Ancient writings, whenever they deal with such distant populations in the other half of the world.     

From Academic Nitpicking to a =New Culture Movement＇： How Newspapers Turned Academic Debates into the Center of ~May Fourth＂

Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower ＂academic faction＂ （xuepai）, embroiled in a debate with an opposing ＂faction.＂ After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a ＂New Culture Movement.＂ However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their ＂factional＂ rivals like the warlords＇ allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi＇s ＂faction＂ became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as （now popular） expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the ＂New Culture Movement.＂ The idea and rhetoric of China＇s ＂New Culture Movement＂ in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.     

Policy Blending,Fuzzy Chronology,and Local Understandings of National Initiatives in Early 1950s China

This article proposes the concept of policy blending to improve our understanding of the densely interactive quality of political initiatives in early 1950s China. Using three cases studies, I argue that policy blending, defined as the process by which previous political experiences shaped the implementation and interpretation of those subsequent to them （sometimes in ways contrary to the government＇s intentions）, occurred frequently during this period, to the extent that people＇s understanding of the first years of Chinese Communist Party rule cannot be separated from this phenomenon. Using examples from marriage registration, the Marriage Law and the national discussion of the 1954 draft Constitution, I advance the historiographical argument that the early 1950s should not be demarcated by, or taught mainly with reference to, ＂temporally encapsulated＂ policies with clear beginnings and ends （i.e., policy ＂a＂ occurred in year ＂b,＂ followed by policy ＂c＂ in year ＂d＂）. Rather, policies seeped into each other, producing a blurry--but sometimes accurate--＂impression＂ of state power. I further suggest that the concept of policy blending can be helpful in understanding subsequent political initiatives as well.     

In the Wake of Political Intervention： British Hong Kong and the Lingnan Macroregion

This article attempts a preliminary exploration of the intraregional cohesion and division between British Hong Kong and the Lingnan macroregion. A deliberately overlooked locale in Skinner＇s macroregional model, Hong Kong developed from a periphery zone on the far eastern outskirt of Lingnan in its precolonial days to a thriving metropolis at the end of British rule. The transformation of British Hong Kong attests to the economic fundamentals of intraregional cohesion. More significantly it highlights the decisive power of political intervention, underestimated in Skinner＇s approach, which brought enduring changes to the shape as well as the internal and external relations of the macroregion.     

＂Bankers Are Stingy？＂ Re-Examining Stock Exchanges and Public Debt in Prewar Shanghai （1920s-1930s）

This review article surveys new studies of China＇s economy in the early twentieth century that have been published in both China and the West. It analyses the nuances that we find in these recently published studies and how those might improve our conventional understanding of the era, with particular emphasis on the link between fiscal revenue and stock-exchanges. First, a detailed introduction treats the evolution, beginning in the nineteenth century, of Shanghai＇s segmented stock exchanges in the context of wider global currents. Section two reprises the still common notion that heavy domestic borrowing by the Nationalist （Kuornintang, or GMD） government in the 1920s-1930s forestalled industrialization. Section three discusses at length the degree to which Chinese banks in that period may be seen as merely a GMD conduit of borrowing. Chinese banks were probably more conducive to Shanghai＇s industrialization than is usually acknowledged, and they also played a key role in stabilizing China＇s monetary environment well beyond their perceived focus on managing public debt. But more evidence needs to come to light, and this article sets out the areas in which future research might advance our knowledge. The conclusion will underscore how the various findings of scholars might, as a whole, remould current conceptions.     

Back to Gamdeling

The Township Village of Gamdeling is situated in District Naiqung, County of Doilungdeqen, Lhasa. It is the place where I began to establish a relationship with Tibet. Halfa Century＇s Concern and Remembrance In the early spring of 1963, as a junior student majoring in Tibetan at the Department of Minority Languages and Literature in the Central College for Nationalities, I set foot in Tibet for the first time. The first place I saw was the Township Village of Gamdeling, where I went to work with the liberated serfs who were undergoing a democratic reform. I helped set up grass roots political power. Being together day and night, I studied Tibetan with them and taught singing to children in the primary school. There, I learned to recite Tsangyang Gyatso＇s poem, On the Peak of the Eastern Mountain, from which the well- known name ＂Makye-ame＂ comes. Since July 20, 1963, the day on which I departed, I have had no opportunity to return to Gamdeling. These years, by radio, newspaper and internet, I got to know that a famous vegetable and flower producers＇ cooperative was built in Gamdeling. I can collect hundreds of reports about Gamdeling on line. The news makes me excited, because I know Gamdeling is going forward with Tibet. How about my old Tibetan friends？ How about their life now？ Who are even still alive？ On August 30, 2011, on the occasion of a short business trip to Lhasa while accompanied by a friend, I stepped on the land again. Tenzin Wodrup＇s Vegetable Greenhouse Across the bridge over Tohlung Chu of the Lhasa River, we entered the area of Gamdeling. For me, everything was so familiar but yet strange! We stopped our car in front of a building with the sign of ＂Vegetable and Flower Exhibition and Trade Center of the Gamdeling Farmers＇ Vegetable Cultivation Cooperative, the County of Doilungdeqen＂. By the gate there was a stall selling local watermelons. Having taken some pictures, we drove northwards into the district of the vegetable greenhouses, intending to find a local and ask the way. It took five or six minutes for our ear to circle around the area, from which, we can see how big the district was. In time, I saw a middle-aged farmer with a bright T-shirt standing on the road. I got out and asked him about Tsering Dondrup. To my surprise, he was from Gamdeling and lived in the same Village of Chabka as Tsering Dondrup, and they were relatives The man＇s name was Tenzin Wodrup. He promised to take us to call on Tsering Dondrup＇s. On both sides of the road that was straight, clean and paved with cement, there stood dozens of vegetable greenhouses in rows.     

Chinese Socialism as Vernacular Cosmopolitanism

This paper follows the life of an idea, a fundamental concept in modern Chinese intellectual life： socialism. It explores this idea as an alternative form of Chinese cosmopolitanism, drawing from Pheng Cheah＇s identification of two kinds of Chinese cosmopolitanism： mercantile and revolutionary. If part of what we mean by cosmopolitanism is the local use of an external, or international, or otherwise ＂independent＂ （relative to local power and practice） ideology or discourse to promote an agent＇s sense of social good at home and connection to the world, then the ways that socialist thought, ideology and praxis have been employed in China in the twentieth century constitute one such strain of cosmopolitanism. Shehuizhuyi （socialism） meant related but significantly different things to Chinese in the twentieth century. This essay argues that Chinese socialism can be viewed as a version of vernacular cosmopolitanism through two examples： Wang Shiwei in the 1940s and Deng Tuo in the 1960s, as well as the discourse of Pan-Asianism before and after the Mao era. Chinese socialism was as much a terrain of debate and contestation about what it means to be ＂Chinese and modern＂ as it was a shared vocabulary and set of aspirations. All along it has been able to play the role of cosmopolitan thought for some influential Chinese thinkers and doers--connecting China to the world in order to pursue universal values.     

Discuss for the view that“media representation of crime serve fundamentally as a form of social control”

Media with the Politics
It＇ s not fresh news to anyone of us that the politics can use the media as an efficient strategy to present themselves and their political views. With the rapid development of the mass media and communications, it offers political figures to employ the strategies of symbolic construction with the purpose of presenting and promoting themselves in front of the audience （Schlesinger and Tnmber, 1994）. With the purpose of keeping public orders and reduce the crime rate, the media plays a very important role in .＇broadcasting＇ the ＇advertising＇ for the government,     

Introduction: Remolding Chinese Society: People,Cadres, and Mass Campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s

This special issue grows out of a shared research interest in the state-building process during the formative years of the People's Republic of China (roughly defined,1949-66) and its profound political,social,economic,and cultural consequences.Five articles in this issue demonstrate that the Communist Party ot China made a great effort to mobilize different political constituents,social classes,professional groups,and cultural communities to consolidate its rule and advance its revolutionary agendas.Governing a deeply diverse and discontented society,the Party created a system of control and mobilization based on the combined mechanisms of political indoctrination,bureaucratic intervention,neighborhood surveillance,and social voluntarism.Communist rule in the 1950s and early 1960s created new cultural forms,business practices,and a new framework under which the party-state's political agenda and bureaucratic apparatus interacted with individual lives.     

Li,Huaiyin, Reinventing Modern China： Imagination and Authenticity in Chinese Historical Writing

Li Huaiyin＇s new book deals with the dialectic and competing processes ofwriting the history of ＂modem China＂ in China during the past century. Li presents the writing of history as a literary genre that has produced multiple narratives in different periods, narratives that corresponded to or were instigated by particular socio-political （especially political） circumstances of the protagonists of his story. In general, Li depicts these narratives as ＂romantic,＂ ＂optimistic,＂ or ＂pessimistic,＂ based on two major conflicting paradigms （or ＂grand narratives＂--Li often uses ＂narrative＂ and ＂paradigm＂ interchangeably）： ＂modernization＂ and ＂revolutionary.＂     

Abstracts

Structural Features and Expressions of Five-Character Poem in Western Jin： Also on Differences between ＂Weizhi＂ and ＂Jinzao＂
Ge xiaoyin （p. 1）
The most significant change of the five-character poem in Western Jin, compared with Han and Wei dynasties, was diversifications in chapter structure and Symmetry in words. Structure changes of the five-character poem in Western Jin which started in the Wei Dynasty drove the poetry out of the single scene of Han＇s poety and be able to organize different time and space scenes more freely, elaborating the scenes, event progress or mentalities completely. These may be the reason West Jin＇s poetry was called cumbersome rhetoric, but also the reason the capacity of the five-character poem was expanded greatly, which was the very stage of five-character poem from Han and Wei to Jin and Liu Song dynasties.     

Buddhist Manifestations of Patriotism during the Korean War

A great deal of research on the Korean War has focused on the military, politics, economy and international affairs, and far less on the religious, particularly the Buddhist, perspective. The Korean War exerted a tremendous impact on institutional Buddhism, and consequently Buddhists were heavily involved. This paper examines the history of Chinese Buddhist participation in the ＂Resisting America and Assisting Korea Campaign＂ from Buddhist perspectives such as political propaganda, material donations especially the donation of the ＂Chinese Buddhist Airplane,＂ and the enlistment of young monks into the People＇s Volunteer Army （the PVA）. The paper will then look into social and political factors involved in Buddhist leaders＇ reinterpretation of Buddhist doctrines to justify participation in the campaign, as a response to the surge of patriotism in Chinese society. This kind of investigation may shed light on the relationship between institutional Buddhism and politics in the new socialist society of China after 1949.     

Stepping into the Public World： Cases of Guixiu Philanthropic Activities in Late Qing China

This article explores the of certain elite women during late little-known public philanthropic activities Qing China. By examining contemporary newspapers, it traces the new development of women＇s philanthropic engagement and further analyzes two cases, one on disaster relief and the other on women＇s education, to illustrate the issues, controversies and achievements that went along with women＇s philanthropy. It demonstrates how philanthropy, a traditionally-sanctioned field for women＇s activism, legitimatized women to move out of domestic seclusion and reposition themselves in the public sphere in a crucial transitional era when for ＂good women＂ to appear in public was something hotly debated, and how through philanthropic opportunities some were able to engage with political affairs. The broad social impact of their initiatives suggests the continued importance of traditional elite women during China＇s transition to the modern era; it challenges some of our previous notions, which often unthinkingly accepted the verdict of ＂New Women＂ that those who did not embrace their path to modernity were parasitic, unproductive, and backward. By looking carefully at philanthropy, the article reveals fascinating issues and rich details of women＇s public activities that previous historical narratives have often overlooked. It helps to understand how reconfigured traditions became essential components of modernity in the development of modern Chinese gender roles. It also adds a gender perspective to the burgeoning historiography on Chinese philanthropy.     

The Love-Suicide Mystique of Naxi: Experiential Tourism and Existential Authenticity

Love-suicide (xunqing 殉情) is often hailed as a representative component of the Naxi culture. This article examines how representations of love-suicide have transformed from an obscure social taboo to an invaluable Naxi tradition in the last two decades. While Han and Naxi cultural elites aestheticize love-suicide as a cultural symbol of moral sublimity, tourists further transform the discourse into a simultaneously spiritual and erotic experience in which they seek and create their own existential authenticity. The apparent revival is not simply a result of Naxi political resistance to the external regime or a natural return to their “authentic” culture. It rather marks another tide of radical transformation in a multi-agent and highly commercialized global world within which both minority cultures and tourists’ identities are transformed.     

＂HELEN OF ARGOS＂ AND ＂ARGEIOI＂ IN THE ILIAD - OBSERVATIONS ON THE FORMULAIC LANGUAGE -

In his article ＂Argos andArgives in the Iliad＂ （1979） Robert Drews argued for reviving an idea, first brought forward by William D. Geddes in 18782 and later on fully developed in Paul Cauer＇s ＂Grundfragen der Homerkritik＂, according to which the origins of heroic poetry and of the Iliad in particular are to be sought in the less civilized northern regions of the Mycenaean world, especially in the realms of Thessaly. This area was known to the composer of the Catalog of Ships as the ＂Pelasgic Argos＂; this was the home of the people called Hellenes and Achaians, who set out against Troy with 50 ships led by Achilles （Ⅱ.Ⅱ 681-685）.     

Abstracts The Culture Popularization and Social Progression

Zhang Guogang （ p. 1 ） The ethical system centering on Confucianism was only one school of philosophy among the many in the pre-Qin period. However, through the central government＇s recognition of Confucian theories as the orthodoxy in the Han Dynasty, classical Confucianism became the official ideology. In the later period of the Eastern Han Dynasty, aristocratic families, whose members studied secured officials for generations, became the the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasti Confucian classics and elite of society. During es, elite families formed their particular household disciplines and moral standards. In the Tang and Song Dynasties, when elite families were separated from official rankings, their ethical system became more accepted by the society. Elite families of power and influence no longer dominated the cultural circle. Actually, the decline of the elite family and the popularization of elite ethics were synchronized processes, during which, the localized Buddhism played an important role. The neo Confucianism, which rose later, was actually an ethical reconstruction of the popularized ethics and culture.