‘Various Means of Providing for Their Own Tables’: Comparing Slave Family Economies in the Antebellum South

Recent scholarship has changed our understanding of African‐American slaves’ experiences by shifting our focus from the external factors of slavery (what slavery did to men and women in bondage) to slave agency (slaves’ determination in creating their own autonomous culture). While this has been a positive development, there is a danger in forgetting the framework within which slave culture was created. This article seeks a middle ground by examining the ways in which certain external factors of slavery determined the extent to which slave families could develop internal economies and engage in independent production. Comparing slave families’ experiences in three distinct cash crop regions of the antebellum South, this study’s findings indicate that the varied nature of work patterns and crop‐specific labor incentives in different regions served to either encourage or thwart the development of slave family economies.     

The Southern Conservative Thought of John C. Calhoun and the Cultural Foundations of the Canadian Identity

Besides the largely ignored fact of general Canadian support for the Southern Confederacy during the American Civil War, the consociational dimensions of Canadian Confederation, as something opposed to American unionism in cultural terms, finds its historical roots legitimized in the Southern conservative writings of John C. Calhoun. It is the tension between an institutionally entrenched foundation of consociational pluralism and growing urban cosmopolitanism within Canadian history that has defined the debates and divides over the meaning of the Canadian identity, just as it is. Alternatively it is the tension between enforced constitutionalist unionism and consociational cultural tradition within the American South that has largely defined their historical experience. Both Canada and the American South find the tensions of their cultural identities rooted in the consociational values originally laid out by nineteenth century Southern conservative political thought.     

农业和文明起源

文明起源在考古学上是一个复杂的问题,牵涉到人类社会的许多方面。其中一个重要方面就是农业。本文试图强调农业对文明起源所起的推动作用,并提出一些有关农业考古的看法,希望对目前正在进行的中华文明探源工程和类似课题有所帮助。     

Bristol and the eruption of memory: Making the slave-trading past visible

This article describes the work undertaken by the public authorities of Bristol to construct, for this old slaving port, a collective memory of the trade in Africans. It shows how the use of urban space is necessary to resurrect that past and implies a visual model to inform a new gaze on the city. Through intensive action on the memory of slavery, the author suggests, from the work of Paul Ricoeur, the passage from silence to 'too much memory'. This excess can be viewed as the result of a political instrumentalization linked to the requirements of the British multicutural model. Further, these actions on memory reveal distinctly divergent intentions for the different communities of the city.     

“经世”意识与南宋川陕边防史地类文献

南宋时期,川陕地区战略地位突出。为了给边疆防御提供借鉴,川陕边防史地类文献大量涌现,探讨川陕地区历史与地理之风日益兴起。本文在梳理南宋川陕边防史地类文献具体情况的基础上,总结出其强烈的经世思想、重视地图的作用、突出的地理学成就等特点。     

The shaping of the American Empire

This paper creates a traditional, counterfactual, historical geography that proposes the rise of an American Empire in the 1800s instead of the British. The industrialization of the British world-economy of the early 1800s, victory in the Napoleonic Wars, and the consequent success of the British Empire fundamentally depended on cotton textiles, thus on American cotton agriculture. Cotton was, to the economies of the nineteenth century, very much like oil is to those of the late twentieth and early twenty-first enturies. The development of the American cotton South after 1800 was based heavily on the reproduction of slaves within the South. Had Jefferson ended slavery, as he at one time considered, I suggest that an alternative America would have arisen in which Jeffersonian idealism would have encouraged family farms as the principal units of agricultural production. I further argue that, absent the availability of cheap British manufactures, the Philadelphia School of Protectionists would also have likely triumphed early and an American industrial development based on internal growth fueled by cotton grown on family farms would have allowed America to come to dominate the world-economy of the late 1800s. Protectionist policies would have similarly excluded French manufactures and the industrial development based on cotton the French were also attempting in the late 1700s would have failed just as did that of Britain. French military victory in the Napoleonic Wars would not have produced a French world-economy. An America without serious global opposition would not have resisted annexing all of Mexico and Canada in the 1840s and expanding aggressively into Asia via the Pacific basin and Hawaii to create an American Empire.     

论内战前美国南部奴隶主群体的社会位置与社会控制力

在内战之前的美国南部蓄奴州,奴隶主是一个人口规模很大但地理分布不均衡的社会群体。他们占有了南部社会的大部分经济财富,控制着南部绝大部分政治职位,是南部地区实际上的统治集团。奴隶主群体庞大的社会规模和优越的社会地位使得南部社会形成了支持奴隶制的广大社会基础,但奴隶主人口的地理分布不均衡在一定程度上制约了奴隶主在不同地区对白人社会进行控制的能力。在奴隶主人口稠密地区,奴隶主群体能够实现对白人社会的绝对控制;在奴隶主人口稀少地区,他们的社会控制能力就受到极大削弱。     

对南明永历政权之考量

明末统治阶级的横征暴敛及连年自然灾害,促使农民大起义暴发。李自成农民义军攻入北京,推翻明王朝后,紧接着吴三桂引清军入关。随着全国社会主要矛盾的急剧变化,农民起义军由原之反对明王朝统治转为联合明宗室所建南明政权共同抗清斗争。     

萧公权与中国政治思想史研究——基于萧著《中国政治思想史》的分析

本文本"详人之所略,略人之所详"之旨,基于萧公权撰著<中国政治思想史>的背景与史实,结合文本分析,对萧公权与中国政治思想史研究这一主题再作探讨,在三个问题上展开论述:一、萧著的背景与动机;二、萧著的方法及其渊源;三、萧著在学界之反响.     

科默·V·伍德沃德与美国南部史学

科默·V.伍德沃德在美国是享有盛誉的南部史专家,同时也是一位非常活跃的社会活动家。在长期的学术实践中他形成了注重史学的社会功能、强调历史发展的非连续性和善用反讽的史学研究风格。他以自己对美国南部历史与现实的深切关怀,积极推动了南部史的研究。其贡献既表现在对新的史学领域和问题的开拓,也体现在围绕他的著述所展开的学术商榷、学术批评中,以及由此而形成的良性的学术研究氛围上。     

Friedrich Ratzel and the nature of (political) geography

It is impossible to understand Ratzel's Politische Geographie without placing the figure of its author in the perspective of the critical bourgeois geography of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century. From this point of view, Ratzel is the last representative of this bourgeois movement born in the first part of the eighteenth century in Germany with the name of “pure geography” or “natural geography”, and developed in the following century thanks to the great works of Karl Ritter and Alexander von Humboldt. The purpose of bourgeois critical geography was to create a geographical discourse (a reasoning) able to transcend the identification between geographic knowledge and cartographic representation that was maintained by the Staatsgeographen—that is by the state geographers who defended the feudal aristocratic regime. But it is precisely this identification that German bourgeois geographers appropriated in the second half of the nineteenth century, after the bourgeoisie came into power through a compromise with its ancient political opponent. Only Ratzel, direct heir of the Erdkunde tradition of Ritter and von Humboldt, was an exception by opposing the new bourgeois state geography with his own state-based geography.     

从乡村商店到百货商店--1877年至20世纪20年代美国南方乡村的经济生活

随着收成制在战后美国南方的确立,乡村商店成为南方转型初期经济生活的重要部分。它的特点是“靠男性消费者为生,以农作物借贷制为杠杆,商品综合经营”。但是,世纪之交,由于工业化力量的推动和现代消费观念的冲击,乡村商店从南方经济生活中逐渐淡出,“以吸引女性消费者为主,采用现金支付或分期付款形式”的百货商店取而代之,并且广告在经济生活中起越来越重要的作用,南方经济生活逐步走向现代化。     

浅论汉代历史理论及特点

汉代历史理论很丰富,可以说有了一些体系。在形式上,不仅体现于史书的序、论、赞以及"寓论断于序事",还有专篇史论、诸子书中的一些相关史论、一些奏疏中的相关史论和政论中的史论,等等;同时,史书的史论在形式上又有一个变化发展过程。在内涵上,不仅对历史中的根本问题作了深入、连续的思考与理论概括,而且还对现实中出现的重大问题作了探讨和理性回答。在方法与特点方面,不仅从天地人参合的思维来探究人类历史演变,显示出汉代人宏阔的理论视野;同时把握历史与现实的联系,使史学形成了通变的分析传统和"为世典式"的致用传统。     

青海民族地区新社会阶层政治参与研究

政治参与是政治学研究的重要命题,也是民主政治建设的重要内容。现阶段,公民政治参与在我国政治发展中居于十分重要的地位。作为我国新社会阶层重要组成部分的民族地区的新社会阶层,他们不仅是民族地区经济社会发展不可缺少的重要社会力量,也是推动民族地区政治发展的重要力量。目前,民族地区新社会阶层的政治参与还没有引起人们的足够重视,他们的政治参与权利还没有充分体现出来,还缺乏健全的法律制度保障。这种状况不仅不利于民族地区新社会阶层的自身发展,而且也不利于民族地区的稳定和健康发展。要重视民族地区新社会阶层合理的政治利益诉求,引导他们有序政治参与,从而把他们的活力和创造力整合、凝聚到社会主义现代化建设事业中来,为地区经济社会又好又快发展,为民族地区社会稳定和民族进步做出积极贡献。     

退出印度前夕的英国殖民者与印度王公的消失

殖民地印度时期,在南亚次大陆上分布着560多个土邦。二战后英国工党政府背弃了以往保守党的土邦政策,采取了理论上继续支持王公、现实中则背弃王公的两面性政策。代表英王的副王和政治部支持王公拥有成立自治领的权力,试图以此为筹码为王公的未来争取更多的利益,而其真实态度则是鼓励宗主国从土邦撤离,要求王公加入未来的新政府。在印巴分治的前夜,英属印度政府成立土邦部,出台《加入协定》,采取了威逼利诱的两手策略。宗主国的政策转变、政策的两面性、对土邦态度的暖昧性和土邦策略的两手性使王公被迫加入了新成立的自治领,致使印度王公消失。     

新时期人民政协界别变化的特点及其原因

新时期人民政协与文化大革命结束时的前四届相比较,无论在界别数量、构成成分还是在界别设置等方面都发生了很大变化。这种变化是由于新时期党和国家工作重点的转移、新的社会阶层的产生以及加强和完善共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度等原因使然。人民政协的不断发展、完善,对于扩大爱国统一战线、更好地发挥人民政协作用具有重要意义。     

1820年赣南周边霍乱重疫区的形成与变迁

在清代嘉道之际的中国首次霍乱大流行中,不利于霍乱蔓延的赣南及其周边山区却形成重疫区,但受资料搜集不全的限制,以往学界并未注意到此问题。藉由对1820年赣南霍乱重疫区形成原因的揭示及此后疫区变迁的梳理,可以显见商贸重心转移对霍乱传播的巨大影响。在商贸至盛之时,频繁的贸易交往等人文因素会逾越地形等自然因素的障碍,将霍乱强势蔓延开来。     

南朝与北朝对高句丽政策的比较研究

魏晋南北朝时期 ,南、北朝都以招徕远夷为事 ,高句丽遂得在南北朝之间周旋 ,左右逢迎 ,成为南北朝时期外夷之首。南朝除了招徕一道外 ,还试图以高句丽牵制北朝 ,所以册封赏赐很优厚 ,高句丽有悖意旨之处 ,南朝多曲原之 ;北朝把统一全国作为己任 ,每次高句丽滋事后 ,北朝都有讨伐之意 ,但由于种种原因 ,仍对高句丽实行封册、恩赏、求质、聘妃和责让等政策。     

从"荆扬之争"到"雍荆之争"--东晋南朝政治军事形势演变略论

东晋“荆扬之争”,不仅是门阀政治发展的结果,更是东晋守国实施“中间地带”战略的结果。南朝从刘宋开始为了加强皇权,派宗王出镇荆州,限制、分割荆州,以削弱荆州实力。但同时不得不大力强化雍州,以适应新的“中间地带”战略的需要。因此,随着荆扬之争的解决,雍荆之争或雍扬之争又出现。这表明方镇与中央的关系在很大程度上取决于“中间地带”的军事政治形势。