From “one world archaeology” to one world,many archaeologies

Bienvenido al primer número de Archaeologies, la revista del World Archaeological Congress. Hay dos aspectos que la convierten en una adición significativa y novedosa a las revistas de literatura especializada hasta ahora disponibles. En primer lugar ejerce como foro de debate y diálogo que facilita las conexiones entre arqueólogos que se identifican con el Norte y el Sur el Este y el Oeste, con contextos desarrollados y sub-desarrollados, con naciones dominantes y subordinadas, con agrupaciones y con individuos. En segundo lugar destaca por el reconocimiento explícito de que esta multiplicidad de voces se halla estructurada por relaciones del poder y de privilegio, debido a las diferencias en cuanto al acceso a los recursos, y por poseer experiencias y memorias históricas diversas. Es este segundo aspecto en particular el que nos mueve más allá de la política de representación hacia algo nuevo y potencialmente más estimulante. Para estos nuevos tiempos proponemos un nuevo lema: no “Una Arqueología Mundial”, sino Un Mundo, Numerosas Arqueologías.

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Résumé Nous sommes heureux de vous présenter le premier numéro de la revue du Congrès Mondial de l'Archéologie. Cette revue contribue de fa?on originale à la littérature grace à deux aspects significatifs. Premièrement, elle agit comme forum de discussions et de dialogues entre les archéologues associés au nord, au sud, à l'est ou à l'ouest, à des contextes développés ou sous-développés, à des nations dominantes ou non et à des regroupements ou des individus. Le deuxième aspect réside dans la reconnaissance explicite, que cette vocation multiple est structurée par des relations de pouvoir et de privilège, par une accessibilité différente aux ressources et par des mémoires collectives et des expériences historiques distinctes. Ce second aspect, en particulier, nous amène au-delà des politiques de représentation vers quelque chose de nouveau et potentiellement plus stimulant. Pour exprimer cette nouvelle vision de l'archéologie nous proposons un nouveau slogan: pas. Une archéologie du monde mais. Un monde, plusieurs archéologies.

     

Polycentricity – one concept or many?

This paper aims to discuss polycentrism and its implications. Polycentricity plays a key role in EU Cohesion Policy and has done so since 1999 when the notion was included in the European Spatial Development Perspective. Politically, it emerged as a key tool because of its ability to fuse together the two primary and conflicting perceptions of spatial–economic development, cohesion and competitiveness. No agreed definition of polycentricity exists. Furthermore, different actors and disciplines define polycentrism differently. The absence of a concise and coherent definition makes it difficult to measure polycentricity. Moreover, several studies have concluded that it is difficult to identify empirical evidence to support the positive claims made in its name. Polycentrism is assumed toolbox to reduce regional disparities, but polycentric countries display higher regional disparities than monocentric countries. Polycentric countries do not perform better than monocentric countries with regard to competitiveness and GDP/cap. As such, this paper concludes that not only does the political meaning of polycentricity struggle over aims with the inherit dichotomy at its heart, it also struggles in terms of basic credibility.     

‘Likewise no one shall be tortured’

The article deals with judicial torture, which was prohibited in the Danish legal system in the early modern period, essentially focussing upon the time from the Lutheran Reformation in 1536 to the introduction of a comprehensive statute book for the entire kingdom in 1683. The author’s perspective is comparative, especially looking for parallels and contrasts in Sweden during approximately the same period, but to some extent also including the case of England. The common feature of the three kingdoms is that they were outside the regions governed by the Romano-canonical ius commune.

The article is based upon an analysis both of Danish legislation relating to torture and of the limited number of cases in which torture was applied, in most of these cases in contravention of current legislation. The author concludes that if 16th- and 17th-century Denmark saw extremely little use of torture, the main reasons are: in the first place, an internal political climate that was far more stable and peaceful than in Sweden and England, both of which were affected by dynastic rivalries and succession crises during this period; secondly, the fact that commissions of inquisition with extraordinary judicial powers were not used in Denmark also contributes to the Danish development.     

“The producers on the one side,and the capitalists on the other”: Labor Reform,Slavery, and the Career of a Transatlantic Radical

Abstract

Through exploring the neglected career of John Campbell, an Irish-born Chartist refugee who ascended to a leadership role in the antebellum American labor movement, this article seeks to shed light on how revolutionary upheaval in Europe, debates over immigration, and sectional conflict affected working-class politics. Focusing on the period 1848 to 1851, and tracing Campbell's rapid evolution from a radical opponent of slavery to an ardent supporter of black subjugation, I argue that labor historians need to pay closer attention to shifting local and national contexts to understand the racial politics of labor agitators. Yet even as Campbell's views changed, his commitment to a producerist vision remained constant; by 1851 he had simply added people of African descent to a list of “idle” nonproducers who lived off the labor of workingmen. His proslavery twist on producer ideology suggests historians of antebellum social relations may need to go beyond interrogating the racial dimensions of artisan republicanism to gain a fuller understanding of the variety of working-class attitudes to race.     

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The communist party of Australia and the eighty‐one parties conference

In November 1960 a conference of eighty‐one communist parties convened in Moscow to try to resolve serious differences which had arisen between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the Communist Party of China (CPC or CCP). It was ‘probably the most important gathering of its kind in the entire history of Communism’ (Zagoria 1962:343).

Several years later the position adopted at that conference by the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) became the subject of an acrimonious and inconclusive controversy between pro‐Soviet and pro‐Chinese elements in the Australian party.

Of various scholars who commented on the CPA's stance, almost all ([Rigby] 1964:37; Mayo‐Wren 1981:87; Turner 1961:7; Turner 1965:154) claimed categorically that the CPA's delegates, Sharkey and Dixon, backed China. However in one exhaustive account of the conference (Griffith 1962) the CPA did not appear among the CPC's partisans. Most observers outside Australia relied heavily on Kremlinologist Edward Crankshaw. Crankshaw originally omitted the CPA from his list of pro‐Chinese parties (1962:10) but later revised his account (1963:61; 1965:120, 134).¹

In the standard historical work on the CPA Davidson (1969:160,152) qualified the notion that the CPA had supported China. ‘After a careful study of various views’ he concluded:

At the conference of eighty‐one communist parties in Moscow in 1960 the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) supported the Chinese interpretation of Marxist‐Leninist doctrine in preference to that of the Soviet party. Previous emphasis on the CPA's commitment to international communist unity has tended to obscure and even deny this.     

Have you heard the one about the disappearing ice? Recasting Arctic geopolitics

This article unpacks the discourse of Arctic geopolitics evident in the space-making practices of a wide variety of actors and institutions, offering an exploration of the ways in which the Arctic is emerging as a space of and for geopolitics. Tracing the well-aired story of Arctic geopolitics through neo-realist readings of climate change, the melting of polar ice, increasing competition for resources and so on, two kinds of spatial ordering are identified as being entwined in orthodox Arctic geopolitics. The first has to do with Arctic space as such, and its open, indeterminate nature in particular. The perceived openness of Arctic space enables it to become a space of masculinist fantasy and adventure, which is mirrored in contemporary accounts of Arctic geopolitics. It is suggested that this is entwined with and nourishes the second ordering of Arctic space in terms of state-building and international relations. The working out of these spatial orderings in recent interventions in Arctic geopolitics is explored via three examples (two Arctic exhibitions in London, the Russian Polar expedition of 2007 and ’sovereignty patrols’ by Canadian Rangers). In conclusion, the article presents avenues for further critical research on Arctic geopolitics that emphasizes embodiment, the resolutely (trans)local, and a commitment to the everyday.     

Postcolonial criticism in one world archaeology: Where is North Africa's place?

áfrica del Norte hace tiempo ha sido considerada una extensión de Europa del sur. Cuando fue claro que los arqueólogos de áfrica del Norte siguieron la dinámica no-europea, ellos fueron excluidos de los actuales debates y recientes rese?as. Este trabajo ofrece una crítica postcolonial derivada de muchos a?os de trabajo en el campo en dos países árabes africanos: Libia y Sudan. Yo comienzo analizando el papel de tema/objeto del arqueólogo, que conlleva hacia una vista engendrada del presente. Después, yo discuto la perspectiva del arqueólogo sobre el desarrollo económico y explotación de recursos. Finalmente, yo sugiero reposicionar al áfrica del Norte en el actual debate arqueológico, igual que en relación a los actuales eventos políticos y sociales.

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Résumé L'Afrique du Nord a longtemps été considérée comme une extension de l'Europe du Sud. Quand il est devenu évident que les archéologues nord africains suivaient une dynamique non-européenne, ceux-ci ont été exclus des débats courants et des révisions. Ce papier offre une critique postcoloniale consécutive à de nombreuses années de travaux passées sur le terrain dans deux pays arabes d'Afrique du Nord: la Libye et le Soudan. Je commence par déconstruire les r?les sujet/objet de l'archéologue, qui mènent à une vision orientée du passé. Puis, j' examine la perspective des archéologues quant au développement économique et l'exploitation des ressources. Enfin, je suggère de replacer l'Afrique du Nord dans le débat archéologique courant, et de la mettre en relation avec les évènements sociaux et politiques en cours.

     

Redistricting and partisan fluidity: do we really know a gerrymander when we see one?

Redistricting analysis and the concept of gerrymandering are based on the assumption that the electorate is comprised of durable racial, ethnic or partisan blocs of voters. Accordingly, vote dilution analysis is employed to determine whether the constituencies comprised of these durable blocs have had their aggregate voting power diminished by a particular redistricting scheme. In this article, I demonstrate that this assumption does not hold for partisan redistricting analysis because partisan blocs of voters are not durable. Instead, their partisan profile changes in response to incumbency, electoral competition and redistricting. These findings not only contradict prevailing analyses of redistricting, but also undermine the logic of remedial redistricting.