布罗代尔在拉丁美洲和美国的不同影响

前　言法国伟大历史学家费尔南·布罗代尔的著作和学术贡献在北美史学界和社会科学界的影响 ,与其在拉丁美洲历史研究和不同文化地区的社会问题研究中的影响截然不同。今天 ,在 1 999年要问何以如此 ,这个问题涉及在行将过去的 2 0世纪 (从年代上而不是从历史的角度而言 )法国文化在境外产生影响的两个重要篇章。法国的贡献在本土之外传播的这两个篇章 ,基本上向我们提出了一个比较具有普遍意义的主题 ,即过去一百年中的“跨文化交流”(ｔｒａｎｓｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｅｘｃｈａｎｑｅｓ)这个主题。在这个问题上 ,就涉及的人士和文化而言 ,这种…     

U.S. Imperialism in Central America

Thomas D. Schoonover. The United States in Central America, 1860–1911: Episodes of Social Imperialism and Imperial Rivalry in the World System .     

Polish Historiography of the Holocaust--Between Silence and Public Debate

The story of Polish historiography of the Holocaust lends itselfto divisions when one analyses the number of publications, andthe questions asked by the scholars in the field. There wasa great deal of valuable activity in the period immediatelyfollowing the Second World War and, to a lesser extent, up to1968; the revitalization of the field at the end of the twentiethcentury has roots that go back to the late 1980s. Holocaustscholarship in Poland has changed in many respects since theend of the war. Within the last three years a number of importantpublications have appeared that challenge the long-held assumptionsof Polish historians about the fate of Polish Jewry under Nazioccupation. These works have transformed the field with respectboth to the key topics for investigation and the questions askedby historians researching these aspects of the Holocaust. JanT. Gross led the way with Neighbors, published in 2000. Thisbook opened a heated discussion, and became an important triggerin the process of changing Polish Holocaust historiography.     

20世纪50年代美国政府关于核报复战略的内部争论

研究“核威慑”这一军事理念正式形成的50年代美国核战略的决策史,有助于认识今天再度得到强化的美国核战略态势。有关档案献显示,在军事战略领域首次正式将威慑理论付诸实践的艾森豪威尔政府,在“新面貌”战略特别是其中的“大规模报复战略”的具体实施问题上,一直存在严重分歧并为此展开了持久的争论。这既是出于对美苏核军备竞赛所加剧的全面战争危险和美苏可能最终形成战略均势的深切担忧,也是因为该战略在扼阻地区冲突方面的明显局限性。但由于对外部威胁的基本判断没有改变,加上现行战略的内在矛盾,艾森豪威尔政府始终无法彻底改弦更张,只能作一些局部的修补,因而未能摆脱战略上的困境。     

Why They Think Like Gringoes: The Discourse of U.S.–Latin American Relations

Eldon Kenworthy. America/Américas: Myth in the Making of U.S. Policy towards Latin America
Martha L. Cottam. Images and Intervention: U.S. Policies in Latin America
James William Park. Latin American Underdevelopment: A History of Perspectives in the United States, 1870–1965
John A. Britton. Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States
Frederick B. Pike. FDR's Good Neighbor Policy: Sixty Years of Gently chaotic Chaos     

Revisiting nineteenth-century U.S. interventionism in Central America: capitalism,intrigue, and the obliteration of Greytown

In October 2016 the Congressional Research Service published its latest version of “Instances of Use of United States Armed Forces Abroad.” One of the “instances” occurred in 1854, and the entry reads in its entirety: “Naval forces bombarded and burned San Juan del Norte (Greytown) to avenge an insult to the American Minister to Nicaragua.”¹1. Torreon, Instances of Use of United States Armed Forces Abroad, 1798–2016, 4.View all notes The following article posits that Greytown was not destroyed to avenge an insult to an American diplomat. Rather, two groups of prominent American businessmen used this and related events and their antecedents as pretexts to enlist the federal government in destroying Greytown. One group, representing a U.S.-owned isthmian steamboat company, sought to seize the port of Greytown as a private fiefdom; the other wanted it as the prospective capital of a new colony based on a huge, dubious land grant they owned.     

Latin America: trade and culture at a crossroads

ABSTRACT

Trade liberalization took the cultural community in Latin America by surprise, forcing a defensive reaction that took years to generate adequate public policy responses. However, cultural policy has changed unevenly in the region. Two issues became the center of culture and trade debates after the 1990s: cultural industry production and traditional indigenous knowledge. Mexico, by far the largest producer of audiovisual content on the continent, has been reluctant to adopt defensive approaches or red lines during trade negotiations. In fact, Chile is the only country that negotiated a ‘cultural reserve’ in its FTA with the United States. Regarding traditional knowledge, only states with large indigenous populations like Guatemala, Panama but especially Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador in the Andean Region dedicated significant efforts to fight for intellectual property protection for traditional knowledge, including benefit-sharing for the commercial use of genetic resources, derived through indigenous collective knowledge.