外语原版书的使用问题——以日本古代文学的近代"经典形成"为例

在外语教学过程中,外国人以母语所编写的原版书籍往往被认定为最正宗、最正确的语言教学用书而备受推崇,而且不仅限于以语法知识为中心的教材,甚至包括了以意识形态为内核的史书等。这种情况非常不利于国民的培养以及民族国家的建设。     

IMAGES DES ETATS-UNIS DANS LE ROMAN QUEBECOIS MODERNE (IMAGES OF THE UNITED STATES IN CONTEMPORARY QUEBEC NOVELS)

Although most Quebec novelists are not preoccupied with the United States, the presence of the huge southern neighbour makes itself felt now and again. One is struck by the similarities in the images of the U.S. when it does appear in literature: Quebec novelists seem to see it as a powerful attraction and as a dangerous threat. Three novels, representing three different approaches, illustrate this point: Ringuet's Thirty Acres, Roger Lemelin's The Plouffe Family and Anne Hébert's Kamouraska (other novels are cited where relevant in the original paper).

The attraction of the U.S. is most oftén presented in French-Canadian literature by the theme of escape, frequently for economic reasons. Ringuet's novel explores the reasons for large immigrations southward, and in so doing exposes the myth of the “easy” life in the U.S. versus a “hard” life in the North (cf. Maria Chapdelaine). But the novel shows how misleading this myth can be: once Quebeckers taste the bitterness of economic depression in the U.S. in the 1930's, they begin to look back to the North with the same kind of illusions of economic independence which brought them South.     

THE GEOGRAPHIC IMPLICATIONS OF SCHOOL BOARD REFORM IN QUEBEC

This paper is based on a recent decision of the Supreme Court of Canada that will allow the Province of Quebec to restructure the system of education, from one based on religious affiliation to one based on language of instruction. The paper sets forth a number of geographic implications of such a reform, including the historic, demographic, linguistic, political, and territorial aspects of the Education Act of Quebec, known as Bill 107. While the change to linguistic-based boards is applauded, there is no clear understanding of what the new map of school board territories will look like, yet the implications of this decision are far-reaching.
Cet article est basé sur une récente décision prise par la Cour suprême du Canada qui permettra au Gouvernement du Québec de restructurer le système d'éducation, c'est-à-dire de passer d'un système fondé^- sur l'appartenance religieuse à un système fondé sur la langue d'enseignement. L'article démontre quelques une des répercussions géographiques d'une telle réforme, en plus des aspects historiques, démographiques, linguistiques, politiques et territoriaux de la Loi sur l'instruction publique du Québec ou Loi 107. Même si la mise sur pied de commissions administratives à caractère linguistique est approuvée, l'élaboration de la nouvelle carte des territoires desservis par chacune des commissions scolaires demeure ambigue, mais le retentissement de cette décision est d'une portée considérable.     

Teaching “notre littérature”: The Place of la littérature québécoise in the Curriculum in Quebec

Recent calls for a greater emphasis on the teaching of Quebec literature from primary school to cégep once more link the teaching of Quebec literature with the survival of a language and a culture. The current debate echoes those which have taken place over the last 100 years, both under the denominational system of education and since the Révolution tranquille. Different pedagogical and ideological factors have influenced not only whether Francophone Canadian literature has been taught, but also what has been taught and how it has been taught. Anxieties about the status, history and definition of “notre littérature” have recurred throughout the century, as have concerns about the relationship between the literature of Quebec and the literature of metropolitan France. This article will discuss the teaching of literature in Quebec since 1900 to conclude with a consideration of the teaching of Francophone Canadian literature in Quebec today.     

The theory and implementation of the People's Republic of China's revolutionary diplomacy

The foreign relations of modern China, starting from the birth of the People's Republic in 1949 until the Cultural Revolution, can be said to have had continuous ups and downs and twists and turns. Its underlying abstruse principles, while stemming from nationalism, contained for the most part the Chinese Communist Party's own revolutionary principles and individual revolutionary experiences. The Chinese Communist revolution was based on class analysis and class conflict, on struggle and ideology. This ideology determined how China viewed itself and the world; no views could be separated from the ideology of class struggle and class analysis. The leadership's adherence to this type of ideology led to the long-term instability of China's diplomacy. Though those who, like Mao Zedong, employed class revolution in order to seize political power while viewing class analysis, class struggle, and in particular the success of using class ideology in a united front policy as the magic wand of the revolution's success, were singularly able to adapt such views to China's foreign policy and diplomacy. This became the fundamental red line for China's foreign policy.     

The “Nation of Poetry”: Language,Festival and Subversion in Macedonia

This article critically examines the Struga Poetry Festival established in 1961 when it placed Macedonian poets and writers on the wider map of world poetry, international literature and language. With this the festival carried a subversive and an emancipatory task that not only promoted Macedonia's national poetry but also pushed the nation itself onto the world stage. Although highly politicized (and deeply political), the festival emerged as a seemingly apolitical event that celebrated the “universal language of poetry”. Yet, with its aesthetic form of an open event devoted to poetry, this festival (in a very Bakhtinian manner) pinpoints the obvious carnivalesque element in manoeuvring and subverting established social and political hierarchies. Initially, it allowed Macedonian language and poets to join established national states that have “undisputed” (or less disputed) literary traditions. The subversive nature of this festival after the 2001 military conflict in Macedonia changed the direction and intensity of the Albanian struggle for improving their status into the Macedonian society. This event has effectively allowed a minority group to initiate social movement and engage in serious identity politics related to territorial self-governance, language and cultural representation.     

CANADA,QUEBEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNAL WAR

Abstract

The past several years have been marked by renewed signs of significant political unrest and separatist activity in Quebec. In the same period of time a number of scholars in different disciplines have revivified the study of domestic violence or internal war. In spite of this temporal co-occurrence, students of Canadian affairs have done little to place that Quebec independence movement in the context of a theory which would make it understandable as a “type” of behavior rather than as a completely unique activity. This paper discusses some of the requirements of such theories, as they relate to political stability and internal war, categorizes a number of existing works in regard to how they explain the sources of political resistance and revolt and attempts to relate them to the current Quebec-Canada difficulties.     

The “Bad” French of Justin Trudeau: When Language,Ideology, and Politics Collide

This article discusses the ideological underpinnings and sociolinguistic factors driving the pervasive negative social discourse on the quality of the French language spoken by Canada’s current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The “obsession” among Québécois with the quality of Justin Trudeau’s French is demonstrated in an analysis of a corpus of commentary generated in Quebec’s mainstream press during the period surrounding the 2015 Canadian federal election. This intensely negative metadiscourse is shown to be rooted in the context of Quebec’s difficult sociolinguistic history and its contemporary language ideologies, viewed here as biased in favor of speakers with monolingual competence and French-Canadian ancestry. Crucially, the pervasive criticism of Justin Trudeau’s French and the ensuing denial to him of Francophone status are claimed here to serve as a proxy for extra-linguistic criticism and the positioning him as “other” with respect to Québécois collective identity.     

Cultural Capital: A Manifesto for the Future

Abstract

The paper deals with public archaeology in Latin America, understood as an enquiry: who benefits from archaeology? It focuses on the relationship between archaeologists and indigenous peoples and their rights. Countries with a majority of non-Indian population traditionally excluded natives from the nation building discourse, whilst some others forged idealised natives in the so-called Indigenismo ideology. Nationalism strongly enforced national, non-native ethos and mores. Archaeologists are usually unaware of Indian issues and contract archaeology has further complicated the situation in the recent decades. Indigenous groups are often restricted by the authorities with the assistance of archaeologists. Recently though several archaeologists have been challenging oppressive discourses and practices and are now interacting with natives.     

Folklore and Basque Nationalism: Language,Myth, Reality

Abstract. This article establishes a precise relationship between folklore and ethno-nationalism. In particular, it argues that the discursive elements of folklore have been used, as political narrative, within the history of Basque nationalism. The Basque nationalist movement, throughout its history, has been especially adept at harnessing the rhetorical power of language, history, myth and memory in its articulation of a Basque, as opposed to a Spanish, identity. The article concentrates on the specific information selected for transmission by the ideology of Basque nationalism. It is this articulation which establishes links between past and present, myth and ideology, and the relationship between culture and identity in the human experience. These are the bonds which are perhaps most pertinent to the general cause of ethno-nationalism, and the Basque case in particular.     

China’s urban ideology: new towns,creation cities,and contested landscapes of memory

ABSTRACT

This paper argues that “the urban” has emerged as the most significant ideological realm in contemporary China. In developing this argument, I suggest an alternative approach to how we theorize urbanization in China. Seeking to avoid the dichotomized analyses that often characterize scholarship on China’s urbanization, the paper suggests reading “the urban” as an ideological device. Such a reading calls for an analytical distinction between the city as a technology of socialist party-state planning and government and urbanization as a messy social process over which the state struggles for control. It also calls for a recognition of the ways that ideology itself has shifted dramatically in China, from the Mao-era centrality and coherence of class struggle and its overriding goal of proletarianization to a much less coherent post-reform message of “stability”. The paper begins with a brief discussion of ideology and Gramsci’s notion of “common sense” in a Chinese register. It then considers the film 24 City, directed by Jia Zhangke, as a template for understanding urban spaces as sites of conflict between the city as an ideological device and urbanization as a social process. New urban spaces are then explored in an effort to tease out their complex and contradictory ideological renderings. I conclude with an argument about the openness and contradictions of China’s urban spaces and how an ideological analysis can resist the kind of theoretical closure that much work on urbanization in China seems to aim for.     

Language Policy and Identity Conflict in Sudan

The Sudan, as it stands today, has clearly and definitely failed to form a united country. It has been involved in an internecine civil war. The war has not merely been a war of resistance against economic marginalization of the south, but one of racial or ethnic resistance to the dominant discourse in the north which lays claim to being racially and culturally superior. The violent political conflict that led to the secession of southern Sudan and the ongoing conflicts in some parts of the Sudan are legacies of the past. These legacies cannot be understood unless the tensions are placed in historical, political, and educational perspectives. This article attempts to describe Sudanese language policy and show its complexity, arbitrariness, and fluctuation. It aims to engage with issues of hegemony, language ideology, identity conflict, power asymmetries, and social inequality in language policy in the Sudan. The Arabic language has acquired dominant status while other languages have been marginalized in the process. This article also considers the historical diffusion of Arab identity and analyzes the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts and the cessation of the South. Finally, it closes with a discussion of the present day situation in Sudan and provides some critical reflections.     

四清运动动员模式的政治社会学分析

在四清运动中,随着阶级斗争意识形态的迅猛拓展,工作队—贫协从社会动员主体迅即转变为基层社会的非常规权力组织。工作队—贫协的成长过程、内部结构、运作程序和行为内容,显示了它在运动中的意义:彰显中央政权与基层政权之间的信任危机,填补权力真空并成为权力更替的让渡载体,使重建后的基层政权在社会治理中更加依附于中央政权,从而强化了中央政权对基层社会的控制。因此,与其说这是新一轮的自觉“革命”,不如说是中央政权重构并巩固其权威基础的社会治理行为,而阶级斗争意识形态不过是一层包裹罢了。     

SNOW pH AND DUST LOADING AT SCHEFFERVILLE, QUEBEC

Problems of acid precipitation in association with industrial activity in areas such as the Great Lakes region are now well-known (e.g. Hornbeck et al., 1977), and the Canadian Network for Sampling Precipitation (CANSAP) has established monitoring stations across Canada. In communities in northern Canada, however, especially in winter, a considerable amount of SO₂ is liberated locally. It is therefore important to be able to separate local effects from the regional or continental ones, but most CANSAP stations utilize a single collector, the position of which may not be representative of the general conditions in the locality.
The Schefferville, Quebec, area presents a good opportunity to evaluate the local effects of a small area (˜ 1 km²) source in winteras no industrial activity other than ore-extraction takes place. The only gaseous contaminants liberated locally are derived from fuel oil, and the only particulates come from well-defined mine and dump areas.
Here we present measurements of snow pH and dust loading in the Schefferville area, consider the importance of local gaseous and particulate pollutants, compare these with pollutants from distant sources, and assess the significance of the pollution patterns.     

Between ideology and practice,national conflict and anti‐imperialist struggle: the National Liberation League in Palestine

This paper focuses on the National Liberation League (NLL), a Palestinian Arab communist movement which operated in Palestine between the years 1943–1948. The paper examines its short‐lived history in light of the relevant three contexts in which it operated: the local Palestinian national context; the regional context of communist activity in the Middle East and the external‐internationalist context of the Soviet Union. The paper further discusses the activities of the NLL during the period of the 1948 War in Palestine, as well as in the first period of military rule, imposed on the Palestinian citizens of Israel. An analysis of the NLL during the late Mandatory period and the early years of the State of Israel allows a close examination of the ways by which concepts of identity, nationalism, class and ethnicity were conceptualised, debated and contested during times of a national conflict and anti‐imperial struggle and brings to the fore tensions between ideology and practice, nationalism and internationalism. The NLL offers an important opportunity to look into the complex matrix of communist movements that combine anti‐imperial struggles with struggles for national liberation in the context of a national conflict and to examine their dilemmas and what may seem as internal contradictions.     

French: a language for everyone in Québec?*

Abstract. With the realisation that the future of French in Québec depends on its adoption by a growing number of immigrants, efforts have intensified in recent years to promote a less ethnic and more civic conception of Québécois identity. As attested by the title of the final report of the Commission des États généraux sur la situation et l'avenir de la langue française au Québec (French, a Language for Everyone), a key component of this new conception is the idea that French should be a langue publique commune (common public language) for all those residing in Québec, irrespective of ethnic origin. This article examines the notion of langue publique commune in more detail. While the concept assumes that language can somehow be ‘de‐ethnicised’ to become the property of all ethnic groups, observations made in other contexts only confirm the inextricable link between language and the ethnic, as opposed to the civic, dimension of national identity. The article also investigates the issue of language motivation, in particular the related challenge faced by the Québécois authorities of how to encourage so‐called new Quebecers to adopt French as their language of public communications.     

Learning from popular culture: Interpretation,visitors and critique

Abstract

The publication of Frank McCourt's autobiographical novel, Angela's Ashes in 1996 has sharply focused attention upon a sense of place and heritage identity of the Irish town of Limerick. It has both bolstered a local civic self‐conscious identity and spawned ‘McCourt tourism’. On the other hand it has provoked local controversy by revealing the existence of a number of hitherto largely concealed heritage dissonances.

The historical vision of the interwar period that it vividly portrays is a working‐class experience of poverty, poor housing, and absence of facilities compounded by an indifference of the local contemporary political and clerical establishment. There is a geography of McCourt's Limerick, much of which is still extant, composed of row housing, docks, gas works, public houses, Victorian churches and the like that is a different Limerick to the medieval conserved monuments of English Town or the stately residences of the Georgian Newtown (as portrayed in the earlier novels of Kate O'Brien). Such an image contrasts not only with the tourism image projected externally but more significantly with much of the received interpretation of the post‐independence Irish State that was until recently an almost unchallenged dominant ideology.

The catalytic impact of a single novel upon a town's self‐identity raises more general issues about the role of the novel in the shaping, revision and essential instability of heritage messages through time, as well as the management of disagreeable or contradictory elements in a local past through a polysemic and essentially multilayered heritage.     

Education and the Origins of Quebec’s International Engagement

ABSTRACT

This article examines some of the ways that education has served as a catalyst for the engagement of Quebec and Quebeckers with the broader world, from the educational activities of French Canadian missionaries beginning in the late-nineteenth century to the growing involvement of secular nongovernmental organizations and of the government of Quebec itself in international educational assistance in the mid- to late-twentieth century. For the government of Quebec in particular, jurisdiction over education was integral to the development of Quebec’s own international identity and the Gérin-Lajoie Doctrine that both articulated and bolstered its claim to international competence. The controversy surrounding Quebec’s international educational endeavors has declined since the 1970s, and with it the relative amount of attention and funding devoted to it by the provincial government, yet education broadly defined remains a bridge linking Quebec and Quebeckers to the wider world and catalyzing their engagement with it.     

Our Own Monument: Landscape in the Linguistic Others of Quebec and Puerto Rico

ABSTRACT

It is common in discourse surrounding Québécois and Puerto Rican nationalism to discuss both regions in terms of their linguistic marginality to Anglo-majorities found in Canada and the USA, respectively. As two areas faced with the common American task of inventing a national identity in displaced settings in the New World, English becomes an easy “other” against which the French Quebecker and Spanish Puerto Rican may define themselves. However, language becomes a problematic means of definition when considered in relation to its intrinsically Old World origins. This paper reexamines Quebec and Puerto Rican nationalism from a larger New World perspective that focuses on the role of American landscapes and settings in conjunction with the traditional linguistic approach.