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陕西省是一个有多种民族居住的省份,境内生活的现有人口包括40多个民族。现在所能见到的民族结构的最新统计资料是1991年1月出版的陕西省第四次人口普查汇总,陕西各民族人口总计为32882403人,其中汉族为32726773人。千人以上的少数民族有:回族(脚人)、满族(13595人)、蒙古族(3331人)、壮族(1384人)、藏族(1260人)、朝鲜族(1056人)。汉族居住在陕西各地;回族主要居住在西安、安康、宝鸡、汉中、商洛、渭南地区;满族主要居住在西安、宝鸡、渭南、汉中地区;蒙古族主要居住在西安、渭南、榆林、宝鸡地区;藏族主要居住在西安、汉中地区;壮族和朝鲜族主要居住在西安地区。 相似文献
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清乾隆《盐茶厅志备遗》评介 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
今宁夏海原县历史悠久,但化不兴。最早的她方政权建置为躇犬业无年(605)在今县境高崖乡一带所设立的他楼县(唐神龙年间改为萧关县)。吴后,宋无符二年(1099)在今西安乡置西安州。无代为豫王军屯之她,明代为藩王放牧之区,至清初长达千年间,没有留下一奉她方志书。 相似文献
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70年前(1936年)的12月12日,在陕西西安发生了震惊中外的西安事变(亦即双十二事变),张学良、杨虎城“兵谏”蒋介石,扣蒋于西安城内,逼蒋抗日。这其中《大公报》总编辑张季鸾(1888—1941年)扮演的角色以及事变后该报向读者透露中共的抗日民族统一战线的正确主张,特别是张季鸾与蒋介石、张学良之间的复杂而微妙关系,耐人寻味。 相似文献
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1936年12月12日,发生了震惊中外的西安事变,张学良、杨虎城“兵谏”蒋介石,扣蒋于西安城内,逼蒋抗日。这其中《大公报》总编辑张季鸾(1889-1941)扮演的角色,常常被人忽略。12月4日,蒋介石亲临西安督战,欲意迫使张杨继续“剿共”。5日,正在西安的张季鸾在华清池谒见蒋介石,告以西安谣言甚盛,流行的政治 相似文献
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1990年6月1日,台北众多社会知名人士为张学良举行九秩大庆后,台湾地区关于西安事变与张学良研究才获得了自由.尽管此前,出版了李云汉的著作<西安事变始末之研究>(台湾近代中国出版社1982年版)和<革命文献>第94、95辑西安事变史料专集,但其研究是一个被官方垄断的禁区,论述均为蒋介石的<蒋委员长对张杨训词>与<西安半月记>的注释而已,决不敢越雷池半步. 相似文献
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The Rev. James Henderson 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(2):82-89
The restructuring of the pulp and paper industry in the European Community is examined. The factors underlying recent restructuring are evaluated in the light of the impending creation of a Single European Market. Two main sets of factors are identified. ‘Pull’ factors relate directly to Europe as a unified market. ‘Push’ factors relate to sources of supply, as well as to markets. 相似文献
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M.H. Braid 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(10):369-378
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MARGARET BLUNDEN 《International affairs》2012,88(1):115-129
Experimental transit voyages along the Northern Sea Route to the north of Russia are breaking new ground each year and the route is already significant for the export of raw materials from Russian ports. National and corporate interests are now driving Russia's Arctic policy, rather than, as formerly, an exclusive focus on security, and the Russian government has ambitious plans for the development of the route. Future regular transit of the Northern Sea Route between Europe and Asia, at present facing serious obstacles, could be accelerated not only by climate change, but by overload on, or interruptions to, the existing route through the Suez Canal, which passes through some of the world's most volatile regions. Despite the formidable impediments to regular year round transit of the Northern Sea Route, governments of the non‐Arctic states with most at stake, particularly Germany and China, appear to be taking no chances, and to be jockeying for influence in the Arctic region. The interests of the non‐Arctic trading states, and of the European Union, more inclined to view the Arctic Ocean as part of the ‘common heritage of mankind’, are however potentially different from those of Russia, and indeed of Canada in respect of the North East passage, both determined to maintain their exclusive national jurisdiction over emerging sea lanes through their territorial waters. Great issues are at stake here. The emergence of new sea lanes has historically impacted heavily on the international balance of power. Where the merchant fleets go, navies will shortly follow. 相似文献
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Aboriginality and the Northern Territory Intervention 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Alissa Macoun 《Australian journal of political science》2011,46(3):519-534
Architects and supporters of the Northern Territory Emergency Response (the intervention) mobilised a range of ideas about Aboriginality to introduce and justify the policy program. These representations link Aboriginality to abuse of Aboriginal children, establishing a debate about the nature and future of Aboriginality in a context that limits the discursive authority of Aboriginal people. Aboriginality is represented as savage and in need of settler-imposed control, and also primitive and in need of development. These constructions understand Aboriginality temporally, situating it in the past but providing moral justification for coercing Indigenous people into the settler present. Aboriginality is also constructed spatially in this discourse, with prescribed communities framed as the location of both authentic Aboriginality and of threatening disorder. The intervention is framed as extending settler authority over this troubling terrain, containing and redeeming Aboriginality through inclusion in the settler nation's moral order. 相似文献