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1.
Davina Cooper 《对极》2017,49(2):335-356
Merging means and ends, prefigurative politics perform life as it is wished‐for, both to experience better practice and to advance change. This paper contributes to prefigurative thinking in three ways. It explores what it might mean to prefigure the state as a concept; takes its inspiration from a historical episode rather than imagined time ahead; and addresses what, if anything, prefigurative conceptions can do when practiced. Central to my discussion is the plural state—taking shape as micro, city, regional, national and global formations. Plural state thinking makes room for divergent kinds of states but does not necessarily foreground progressive ones. Thus, to explore in more detail a transformative left conception of the state, discussion turns to 1980s British municipal radicalism. Taking up this adventurous episode in governing as a “thinking tool”, an imaginary of the state as horizontal, everyday, activist and stewardly emerges. 相似文献
2.
法治是人类经过长期的探索,才得以确立政府应该负责的一种信念。历史上,法治从对宗教自由和公德心的承认发展而来。国家在认可个人的宗教自由和公德心的同时规定了对自身的基本限制。西方现代法治进一步延伸了宪法控制政府行为的观念。法律制定是国家权力的明显体现,而被制定的法律是国家政策转化为行动的中介并对整个政府行为均具有约束力。这意味着政府当局不能采取任何与议会或宪法相抵触的行动,意味着法律优先于任何的、所有的其他政府手段,受到立法机关法律的、政治的首要性的支持。借助国家观念史的演进历史来分析,可以说明政治和法治的钟摆始终是在回答为什么必须使用国家权力,然后才是如何防止权力的滥用(即权力守法)这两个问题所代表的倾向之间摆动。 相似文献
3.
党的十七大首次把“基层群众自治制度”写进代表大会的报告之中。把“基层群众自治制度”与人民代表大会制度、中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度、民族区域自治制度并列纳入中国特色社会主义政治制度范畴,它表明我国基层民主自治具有在党和政府的主导下坚持正确的方向、关注民生、直接反映民众的利益诉求、注重制度创新与继承的统一、追求与经济社会相适应的最终发展目标的特点和优势。为了最大限度地体现这一特点和优势,必须努力探索实现基层民主自治的最佳路径。 相似文献
4.
舆论监督是加快法制化进程和建立法治政府必不可少的手段,也是现代行政监督和民主监督的重要形式。依法行政是依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的重要组成部分。依法行政和舆论监督二者相互影响,相互作用。本文从舆论对依法行政监督的必要性、行政机关对舆论监督应有的认识和态度,以及开展舆论监督应坚持的原则等方面作了理论与实践上的分析。 相似文献
5.
本文认为,我们党的新闻事业,是党执政的思想文化资源的重要组成部分。因此,新闻工作者要自觉地改进和提高新闻报道水平,把体现党的主张和反映人民心声统一起来,正确引导社会舆论,发挥好党的执政资源组成部分的作用。 相似文献
6.
《中华人民共和国宪法》制订与修改、修正的历史考察 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
文章详细地叙述了《中华人民共和国宪法》制订及其三次修改、五次修正的基本过程 ,论述了它们之间的内在联系 ,总结了我国立宪、修宪中的主要特点 ,充分肯定了《中华人民共和国宪法》作为我国的根本大法 ,在制订、修改、修正的过程中 ,对于建设中国特色的社会主义民主政治 ,对于推进社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化所产生的重大作用。 相似文献
7.
孙中山地方自治思想之学理意义 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
孙中山关于地方自治的思想理念,是其民权主义政治革命纲领的基本内容。在长期的民主革命实践中,孙中山的地方自治思想不断丰富和完善,尤其是在中华民国建立以后,孙中山始终坚持以地方自治为政治理想,并由此形成了系统而完整的地方自治思想体系,体现了孙中山卓越的政治智慧和坚定的理想信念。孙中山关于地方自治的思想理念,带有鲜明的时代特色和民族属性,它是近代中国资产阶级政治文化的产物,也是近代政治思想发展史上的一个重大理论贡献。虽然这一地方自治思想体系带有不可避免的理论缺陷,在近代民主政治的实践过程中也遇到很多挫折和障碍,但其在学理上的意义是应当给予认真总结和充分肯定的。 相似文献
8.
9.
James Angel 《对极》2017,49(3):557-576
Social movements in struggle around energy are currently developing an imaginary of “energy democracy” to signify the emancipatory energy transitions they desire. Deploying a scholar‐activist perspective, this paper contributes to debates around the concretisation of the energy democracy imaginary by exploring the relationship of energy democracy movements to the state. To do so, I focus on the experiences of the Berliner Energietisch campaign, which in 2013 forced (and lost) a referendum aiming to extend—and democratise—the local state's role in Berlin's energy governance. Drawing on relational theories of the state, I argue that it is productive to read Berliner Energietisch as enacting an energy politics in‐against‐and‐beyond the state. In making this argument, I draw out implications for theoretical and strategic debates around the commons and the state. 相似文献
10.
Antonio Albino Canelas Rubim 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2018,24(5):611-627
ABSTRACTThe presidential elections that brought the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, or PT) to federal power represented a new moment for Brazil with the implementation of democratic, inclusive and sovereign policies. In the area of culture, the Ministry of Culture reclaimed a leadership role for the State and developed public policies with the critical participation of civil society. During the administrations of presidents Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, culture finally reached a new level. This article seeks to determine to what extent the cultural policies undertaken by these administrations promoted cultural citizenship. Based on a study of the course of cultural policies in the country, we argue that despite a conceptual and ideological orientation in this direction, the Ministry was unable to surpass certain barriers and overcome longstanding problems. 相似文献
11.
Ananya Roy 《对极》2009,41(1):159-179
Abstract: This article is concerned with the politics of inclusion. It analyzes the institutionalization of participatory citizenship as the formation of regimes of \"civic governmentality\". Through the study of key civil society organizations such as SPARC and Hezbollah, it studies three dimensions of civic governmentality: an infrastructure of populist mediation; technologies of governing (for example, knowledge production); and norms of self-rule (for example, concepts of civility and civicness). However, such regimes of civic governmentality operate within frontiers of urban renewal and indeed often facilitate and manage such types of development. The article examines the limits and contradictions of the politics of inclusion in the context of the bourgeois city and also studies radical forms of citizenship that emerge to challenge these limits. 相似文献
12.
Gordon Waitt 《Social & Cultural Geography》2014,15(4):406-426
A growing body of work in social and cultural geography is concerned with examining food to explore ethical, civic and social concerns. I build on the critiques by engaging with the visceral. Drawing on the theoretical work of Elspeth Probyn, I argue that eating reveals the fundamental ambiguity of embodiment, allowing us to attend to visceralities of difference as understood within the context of power geometries that shape and reshape food politics. This analysis is promoted by the Australian Commonwealth Government's endorsement of suggestions by environmental scientists that households' meals should substitute kangaroo for farmed livestock to lower greenhouse gas emissions. I investigate appetites for kangaroo as discussed while plating-up, and sometimes digested, by white bodies in kitchens and dining rooms within thirty households in Wollongong, New South Wales. To explain where kangaroo is rendered inedible, or edible, I use the recognition that the visceral realm—narrated through the aromas, tastes and touch—offers insights to place, subjectivity, embodied skills and food politics. 相似文献
13.
Carl Eric Scott 《Perspectives on Political Science》2019,48(1):1-2
Carl Eric Scott introduces the symposium. He argues that Scalia's legacy will be a highly significant one and will center on his articulation of the interpretive theory of originalism and his related defense of constitutionally channeled democratic say. 相似文献
14.
Erik Swyngedouw 《对极》2010,41(Z1):298-319
Abstract: This essay starts from the presumption that “the communist hypothesis” is still a good one, but argues that the idea of communism requires urgent re‐thinking in light of both the “obscure” disaster of twentieth century really existing socialism and the specific conditions of twenty‐first century capitalism. I explore the contours of the communist hypothesis, chart the characteristics of the revolutionary capitalism of the twenty‐first century and consider how our present predicament relates to the urgency of rethinking and reviving the communist hypothesis. Throughout, I tentatively suggest a number of avenues that require urgent intellectual and theoretical attention and interrogate the present condition in light of the possibilities for creating communist geographies for the twenty‐first century. 相似文献
15.
In this article, we contrast the long‐term consequences of incrementalism and punctuated equilibrium. We test what the impact of each of these types of policy change is on long‐term budgetary outcomes for the American states. Policy scholars have applied both theoretical approaches to the study of budgetary spending as an extension of policymaking. Given the two contrasting paradigms of policy change, we develop the following line of inquiry: Does punctuated equilibrium create a different budget in the long term than incrementalism? We address this question through an analysis of American state budgets because the U.S. states provide a rich variation in both budgetary outcomes and political institutions. We use budget data from all American states across all government functions for the period between 1984 and 2009. We find that, first, state budgets and budget functions vary in their degree of punctuation and, second, the degree of punctuation in a state's budget function corresponds to smaller long‐term growth. Additionally, the kind of spending matters: allocational budget categories are more likely to exhibit punctuations. 相似文献
16.
Jason Henderson 《对极》2009,41(1):70-91
Abstract: Recently a \"mobility turn\" has entered critical geographic discourse. This mobility turn recognizes that mobility is at once physical movement and contains social meanings that are manifested in a politics of mobility. In this paper I contribute to this emerging line of inquiry by exploring how the politics of mobility is manifested in localized urban processes. Mobility, as with the broader localized urban process, is political and ideological, and this is particularly true with contemporary debates about automobiles and parking in cities. I explore parking as an example of the broader contestation of urban space, using a case study of San Francisco, California. There are three broad factions in San Francisco's parking debates—progressives that advocate for less parking, neoliberals that advocate that market-based pricing determine the amount of parking, and neoconservatives that advocate for more parking. Throughout the paper, I provide thoughts on the relationship between parking, space, ideology, and the broader urban process. 相似文献
17.
This special section examines the possibility of meaningful debate and contestation over urban decisions and futures in politically constrained contexts. In doing so, it moves with the post‐political times: critically examining the proliferation of deliberative mechanisms; identifying the informal assemblages of diverse actors taking on new roles in urban socio‐spatial justice; and illuminating the spaces where informal and formal planning processes meet. These questions are particularly pertinent for understanding the processes shaping Australian cities and public participation today. 相似文献
18.
浙江余杭瑶山、反山贵族墓地的考古资料显示,两处墓地属于两个不同的统治阶级集团,集团内都是由男性担当社会管理和防卫职能,由女性担当社会宗教和纺织业职能,但两个集团职能的侧重不同,前者偏重于宗教祭祀,后者偏重于社会管理和政府财富。这两个社会控制集团联合执政或轮流执政,显示出良渚文化公共权力的传递与分割似与职能有关,符合民主国家权力集团组合的特征,成为良渚文化作为商业国家的社会政治的民主特征。良渚文化民主政治的社会中坚支撑是由拥有殷实财富和中等社会地位的中等集团所构成的"中产阶级",良渚社会统治集团内部成员也是由"中产阶级"晋升而来。 相似文献
19.
Antonie Schmiz Tony Hernandez 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2019,110(5):509-519
This paper introduces the special issue on “Urban Politics on Ethnic Entrepreneurship” based on research insights and focused discussion that bridges disciplinary discourses. It challenges ethnic entrepreneurship theory by presenting new perspectives and empirical case studies from North America and Europe. As ethnic diversity is widely regarded as a special asset for entrepreneurial cities in the competitive global city environment, there is a need to better understand how ethnic entrepreneurship is used as a resource in city branding and how it is enabled through certain policies. Starting from the historical development of ethnic entrepreneurship research, the introduction leads over to the theoretical embedding of the special issue with its relational focus on space. The contribution proceeds with linking ethnic entrepreneurship to urban politics and outlines three major fields of research that are covered in the special issue: symbolic value to urban development, placemaking and social inclusion, and urban planning. 相似文献
20.
Luke Bretherton 《Political Theology》2020,21(4):318-338
ABSTRACT Driving this essay is a question central to political theology; that is, how can I keep faith with my distinctive commitments while also forming a common life with neighbors who have a different vision of life to me? My response has four parts. First, I develop a normative definition of politics within which to situate an account of citizenship and the political implications of deep religious plurality in a shared polity. Second, I examine how citizenship is not just a legal status that entails certain rights and duties, but also denotes an identity, a performance of politics, and a shared rationality. Third, I identify the dominant ways in which citizenship is understood in the contemporary context, namely, through either a nationalist or cosmopolitan framework, contrasting these with a consociational conception of citizenship. And lastly, I lay out how a consociational framework provides a more generative basis for conceptualizing religious diversity. 相似文献