Passions,patriotism and nationalism,and Germaine de Staël1

ABSTRACT. This essay examines the influence of sentimentalism on conceptions of patriotism at the turn of the nineteenth century in order to historicise conventional views of the nature of patriotism as a fundamental human emotion. It uses a focus on the intellectual thought of Germaine de Staël in order to understand how a ‘sentimental’ view of patriotism took hold at a crucial moment in the European history of the idea of the nation and of the conceptualisation of emotions. I argue that de Staël's ideas and influence lead us to a radical reconsideration of the significance of the emotional history of patriotism for how we explain nationalism.     

Cernuda,poeta de un sur imposible

This article examines the poetics that Luis Cernuda developed throughout his life in connection with its sublime illusion of a genuine Spanish south through the romantic recreation he made of his native Seville, in several texts written from exile: they are various poems of The Reality and Desire and the essays Digressions on Romantic Andalusia and History of a Book, and, above all, the autobiographical prints from Ocnos, in which Albanio's sensitive experiences reflect both the meditative elegance of Cernuda's childhood and adolescence and the utopian promise of a true relationship with the world beyond the social hypocrisy of bourgeois capitalism and the coercion of Franco's dictatorship. My intention in this article is to weave innovatively, in a consistent and documented way, the biographical events with the artistic intentions of the poet, to reveal original interpretive links between desolate reality and the desire for transcendence in his strange lyrics.     

Une loi de l'Eglise et de l'Etat: Napoleon and the central administration of religious life, 1800 1815

In 1802 the Napoleonic government removed authority over religiousholidays from the Gallican Church. In Old Regime France bishopsdecided which holidays were observed in their dioceses. TheRepublican Calendar had eliminated official recognition of Catholicholidays but not their widespread observance. Napoleon reinstatedthe Gregorian Calendar but not the holidays of the Old Regime.At his request, a papal indult eliminated the weekday observanceof all but four Catholic holidays. The reform drew on the legacyof the Enlightenment, especially Montesquieu. The clergy ofthe Gallican Church oversaw the indult's execution, which wascomplicated by ambiguous wording. Napoleon attempted to mergereligious and political obedience, so the best Christians wouldalso be the best subjects, while making it clear that the governmentwas the dominant power. The Restoration subsequently kept theindult in place, neither adding more holidays nor relinquishingauthority over the matter.     

Les inscriptions des casques de Negau,Styrie

This article is chiefly a sceptical critique of two recent interpretations of the Epicurean doctrine on the relevance of the atomic swerve to free will, by D. N. Sedley and T. J. Saunders. Against the latter, it argues that the role of the swerve is to be found not in the execution of the will but in its formation; against the former, that to ascribe to Epicurus an explanation of free will in terms of ‘emergence’ theory renders the swerve redundant as an condition of the will's freedom. A concluding analysis of the Epicurean theory suggests that it is seriously flawed by internal inconsistencies of principle.     

Paradoxes,Protests and the Mujeres de Negro of Northern Mexico

On November 25, 2002, thousands of people marched through the streets of Mexico City and demanded, in the name of social justice, an end to the violence against women in northern Mexico. ‘Ni Una Más’ (not one more) was their chant and is also the name of their social justice campaign. Their words referred to the hundreds of women and girls who have died violent and brutal deaths in northern Mexico and to the several hundred more who have disappeared over the last ten years. These Ni Una Más marchers, many working with human rights and feminist organizations in Mexico, are protesting against the political disregard and lack of accountability, at all levels of government, in relation to this surging violence against women. And the symbolic leaders of their movement are the Mujeres de Negro (women wearing black), who are based in Chihuahua City. In this article, I examine how the Mujeres de Negro demonstrate how feminist politics so often plays upon the negotiation of spatial paradoxes in order to open new arenas for women's political agency. For while the Mujeres de Negro of northern Mexico are galvanizing an international human rights movement that is challenging political elites, they are also reinforcing many of the traditional prohibitions against women's access to politics and the public sphere. And I explore how the Mujeres de Negro devise a spatial strategy for navigating this paradox in an increasingly dangerous political environment.