共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
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Robert M. Rosenswig 《Journal of Anthropological Archaeology》2000,19(4):133
This article explores the emergence of inequality in two regions of Mesoamerica: the Soconusco and Valley of Oaxaca. Dichotomous models that propose a continuum of political strategy (i.e., Leach 1954; Renfrew 1974; Spencer 1993; Blanton et al. 1996) are used to examine the different processes evident in the comparison of settlement, mortuary, and architectural data between these two regions. The elite in Early and Middle Formative Soconusco appear to integrate society with a comparatively external oriented and exclusionary strategy whereas in the Valley of Oaxaca Early and Middle Formative elites employed a more group-oriented, internally focused, and corporate strategy. Environment richness and proximity of competing communities may account for the primary, and perhaps unintentional, emergence of inequality in the Soconusco around 1400 B.C.E. In the Valley of Oaxaca inequality emerged as many as 250 years later in a less circumscribed area. Such environmental, political, and chronological factors may be responsible for some of the differences in integrative strategies evident in the two regions. 相似文献
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Frederick M. Hess 《政策研究杂志》1999,27(3):459-473
Amid the torrent of reform activity in urban school systems, some proposals fare better than others. The traditional technocratic presumption is that reforms are chosen for their educational merit. I suggest that, to the contrary, institutional incentives encourage urban policymakers to emphasize symbolic appeal. Data from a 1995 study of 57 urban districts are used to compare the fate of two school reforms. The more symbolically attractive reform was supported, proposed, and enacted much more widely, although neither research nor observer responses suggested its superiority. 相似文献
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Susan D. deFrance 《Journal of Archaeological Research》2009,17(2):105-168
The zooarchaeology of complex societies provides insights into the interrelated social and economic relationships that people
and animals created. I present a synthesis of zooarchaeological research published since the early 1990s that addresses political
economy, status distinctions, and the ideological and ritual roles of animals in complex cultures. I address current approaches
and applications as well as theoretical shifts in zooarchaeological practice. Research indicates there is great variability
across space and time in how past peoples used animals to generate economic surplus, to establish status differentiation within
societies, and to create symbolic meaning through sacrifices, offerings, and in feasts. The study of human/animal interactions
in complex societies can contribute to fundamental questions of broad relevance regarding political and social life. 相似文献
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Robert Stimson 《Geographical Research》2001,39(2):198-216
This paper reviews trends over the last two to three decades in the socio‐economic divisions in Australia, focusing on their spatial dimensions. It provides empirical evidence that our society is dividing on multiple dimensions – including shifts in industry and occupational structure, income distribution, the incidence of poverty. And it demonstrates that the differentiations across space in socio‐economic phenomena also have complex multiple dimensions, which are explained inadequately by a ‘city/bush’ dichotomy popularly espoused by politicians and reported in the media. Processes of globalisation, economic restructuring and employment shifts, and changing patterns of population movement are combining to create stark differentials between places both within the major cities as well as in regional Australia. As demonstrated by the recent One Nation phenomenon, voter backlash is strong, and it too has specific spatial characteristics. 相似文献
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Hahn W. Jeffrey 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):251-263
A noted American specialist on regional affairs in the Russian Federation presents and analyzes a compilation detailing the political orientation of Russia's provincial executives. The data represent electoral results and include information from 68 provinces (49 oblasts, 6 krays, 10 autonomous okrugs, and 1 autonomous oblast) and 21 republics through September 1997. The discussion covers Russian regional politics, the results of regional elections held in 1996, and an assessment of alternative futures. Tabular material identifies the names of chief executives, dates of most recent elections, party support, and results relating to incumbency. Journal of Economic Literature. Classification Numbers: H77, D52, P41. 3 tables, 25 references. 相似文献
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ANTHONY J. GAUGHAN 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2012,37(1):1-21
Seventeen years after the Confederate general Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox, his eldest son won a sweeping victory over the federal government in the United States Supreme Court. On December 4, 1882, the Supreme Court upheld a federal trial court's ruling that the United States government's claim of title to Arlington National Cemetery rested on an invalid tax sale. The Justices thus affirmed the lower court's verdict that George Washington Custis Lee (“Custis Lee”), eldest son of Mary and Robert E. Lee, held legal title to Arlington. The Supreme Court also upheld the lower court's decision to permit Custis Lee to bring suit against the government officers who occupied Arlington. On the latter point, the Justices split 5 to 4, with a majority ruling for Custis Lee. The outcome of United States v. Lee, commonly known as the Arlington case, made it clear that the Lee family, and not the United States government, owned Arlington. 相似文献
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论政治文化建设与少数民族地区的社会政治稳定 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
维护少数民族地区的政治稳定,是实施西部大开发战略的前提条件。本文阐述了政治文化建设是维护少数民族地区社会政治稳定的重要途径的观点,着重分析了当前少数民族地区政治文化建设的特殊性,并进一步提出了加强少数民族地区政治文化建设的基本途径。 相似文献
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Richard S. Conley 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(2):133-160
This article melds alternative theoretical perspectives on veto threats to explain President Clinton's influence over legislative outcomes in the 104th-106th Congresses (1995-2000). Formal models of executive-legislative relations–in particular the "coordination model"–yield an incomplete understanding of veto politics and executivelegislative conflict from 1995-2000. Explaining Clinton's success through veto politics requires a recognition of the unique context of legislative conflict from 1995-96. Presidential- congressional relations in the 104th Congress turned on "blame-game" politics that Clinton manipulated to his advantage. Clinton's second term heralded a return to "normal politics" during which the Republican majority's response to his veto threats coincided better with the basic tenets of the coordination model. Quantitative analysis of Clinton's public threats and secondary analysis of bill histories are brought to bear to test the theoretical framework. 相似文献
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Judith A. Cochran PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2017,26(1):32-55
Israel is a democracy splintered by religion and education. Two of its fastest growing religious groups, ultra‐Orthodox and Muslim Israeli Arabs, are not learning democratic principles or marketable skills that enable them to assist in the economic development of the country. Even Israelis who are attending secular and religious Israeli government schools are academically behind in mathematics as measured on 2011 international achievement tests of PISA and TIMSS. The history of religion and education from 1928 to 1955 built the foundation for the current divisions. The impact of the Ottoman and British occupation on citizens is particularized thorough the experiences of Elias Tuma, who lived under British and Israeli government systems. Today's educational system in Israel reinforces religious and sectarian conflict among its citizens. Educational and religious structural suggestions are provided for readers to consider. The implications of this work for future research are provided. 相似文献
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