1751年后西藏政教合一制下的权力分配

1751年以后的西藏政教合一制,历来被认为是西藏最为典型的政教合一制。在这一政教合一制下,其权力是如何分配的呢？本文认为,其权力为世俗贵族和上层僧侣所分享。世俗贵族中的大贵族占据了西藏地方政府中的一些高职显位,中、小贵族则担任了政府中的低级职务,他们垄断了西藏地方政府中俗官的位置;由转世活佛、寺院高级僧职和僧官组成的上层僧侣,是西藏核心权力的掌握者,他们在政府中占有压倒优势的地位,世俗贵族只处于从属的或者说附庸的地位。世俗贵族不甘心自己所处的这种地位,为了获取更多的权力,总是利用各种机会千方百计地向上层僧侣集团渗透,以至于在西藏形成了特有的披着宗教外衣的贵族政治局面。     

论法国七月王朝君主立宪制的建立

1830年革命爆发后,大资产创建了七月王朝．它是法国君主立宪制发展的最高和最后阶段。七月王朝君主立宪制的合法性基础在于它对复辟王朝的政治制度既肯定又否定,既继承又发展,既有趋同又有超越。法国大资产与土地贵族之间的天然敌对关系,则孕育了七月王朝取代复辟王朝统治的历史必然性。由于近代法国长期存在的宪政困境和大资产本身的局限性,致使七月王朝君主立宪制具有难以避免的缺陷。     

18世纪俄国政府对贵族的强制教育

强制教育是18世纪俄国政府教育改革的重要特征。彼得一世时期,政府对贵族强制教育主要着眼于军事教育,贵族出国留学学习火炮和航海技术。宫廷政变时期,学校教育效果不显著,家庭教育成为贵族逃避强制国家教育义务的方式,贵族学习西方上流社会的习俗。叶卡捷琳娜二世时期,贵族出国则是拜访哲学家,崇尚法国文学。强制教育造就了18世纪俄国贵族文化的双重效应。     

从身份到契约:中世纪晚期英格兰领主附庸关系的变化

中世纪西欧领主附庸关系是构成西欧封建社会的核心要素之一,它与采邑制一起构成了西欧封建社会的基本内涵。领主附庸关系是指以"采邑"为纽带结成的权利与义务关系。附庸与领主之间不仅有身份差距,他们的关系还包含一定的契约因素。中世纪晚期,领主附庸关系的根基与内容都在发生变化,附庸在经济上与政治上的独立性增强,对领主的人身依附性减弱,甚至逐渐退化为一种象征意义,他们之间的身份等级基调褪色,契约精神强化,双方由领主与附庸的身份关系逐步向平等的契约关系发展,英格兰随之迈进现代社会。     

16-17世纪法国奥弗涅地区乡村贵族命运重探

16-17世纪通常被认为是法国从封建主义向资本主义过渡的重要时期,社会经济变革剧烈,法国贵族在这一时期的命运如何一直是国内外学者十分关注的问题.传统史学研究认为,贵族在价格革命的冲击下衰落了.但本文通过对奥弗涅地区乡村贵族的考察,发现他们通过强化领主地租、扩大自领地、发展乡村借贷等经营方式,较为顺利地度过了价格革命和通货膨胀带来的危机.因此,传统的“贵族衰落论”需要重新认识.     

略论1787—1788年法国贵族与专制王权的冲突

1787—1788年法国贵族与专制王权之间的冲突是大革命前夕法国发生的一次重要历史事件。我国史学界对此至今尚无专论。本文试从这次冲突的基本过程、原因、性质及其与法国大革命的关系等方面对这一问题略作探讨。一为了更好地分析这场冲突的性质及其与法国大革命的关系,简要概述一下这场冲突的基本过程很有必要。这场冲突的导火线是18世纪末法国的财政危机和财政总监卡隆的改革,它以显贵会议的召开为开始的标志,以专制政府答应召开三级会议为结束的标志,其间经历一个演变的过程。     

读《旧制度与大革命》

<正>法国著名历史学家、思想家托克维尔于1805年出生在法国诺曼底一个贵族家庭,在取得法律学位后,他被任命为凡尔赛法庭的实习文官。后来他被派送到美国考察美国的刑法和监狱制度。回到法国之后,托克维尔成为一名律师,他将游历美国的见闻记载成书,于1835年发表其经典著作——《论美国的民主》。除了美国之外,托克维尔还曾前往英格兰、阿尔及利亚等地考察,并在阿尔及利亚著作批评法国的殖民化统治。托克维尔可以说是法国大革命以后残存的贵族,基本上属于最后的贵族,他既不在大学执教,也不是职业作     

马克·布洛赫《封建社会》中译本出版笔谈

马克·布洛赫是我国学术界熟悉的具有国际影响的史学家 ,他的《法国农村史》等重要著作早已被译介给我国读者。现在 ,商务印书馆出版了他的代表作《封建社会》中译本 ,可以使广大读者更多地了解布洛赫的史学思想。作为法国年鉴学派的创始人之一 ,布洛赫在历史学研究领域做出了许多开创性的贡献。《封建社会》以“总体史观”为指导 ,运用社会学、人类学、心理学和比较研究等诸多研究方法 ,对西欧封建社会做了超迈前人的研究 ,取得了巨大的成功。这些研究方法被年鉴学派的几代学者所继承和发扬光大 ,对国际史学研究产生了重大影响和积极的推动作用。可以说 ,在过去的半个多世纪中 ,《封建社会》一直在推动着国际学术界对封建社会史的研究。为了使我国读者更好地了解《封建社会》这一史学名著 ,我们邀请几位学者从相关角度笔谈该著作的学术意义和价值。希望这一著作的出版和笔谈有助于我国封建社会史的研究。需要向读者特别说明的是 ,学术界对封建社会的有关术语的翻译在习惯上有所不同。如 ,在现下商务印书馆出版的布洛赫《封建社会》中译本中 ,“封土制”一般译作“采邑制” ,“封君封臣关系”译作“附庸制”或“附庸关系” ,“封主”译作“领主” ,“封臣”译作“附庸”。这些不同译法属于约定俗成 ,并     

"大革命时期的法国贵族"国际学术研讨会综述

2008年9月10-12日,"大革命时期的法国贵族"国际学术研讨会[1]在位于法国南部小镇维齐耶的法国大革命博物馆召开.该研讨会由法国大革命博物馆、克莱蒙一费朗大学"空间与文化"研究中心和罗伯斯庇尔研究会合作组织,来自法国、英国、俄罗斯、瑞士、加拿大等国的四十多位学者参加了会议,本次会议的主要组织者之一、克莱蒙-费朗大学"空间与文化"研究中心主任菲利普·布尔丹(Philippe Bourdin)教授在开幕式上致辞.     

情感史视野下的法国大革命

法国大革命的情感史研究旨在关注人们行为背后的情感因素,通过挖掘革命亲历者书写的大量日记和书信等历史文献,探讨人们所经历的欣悦、爱、恐惧、愤怒以及憎恨等具体情感,为认识革命时期的暴力与恐怖现象提供了全新的视角。革命初期人们表达了强烈的欣悦与博爱等情感,但新的平等观念很快遭到贵族与教士阶层的反对,这种愿望受挫与被背叛的感觉形成了独特的"阴谋"恐惧,致使整个社会谣言四起,进而引发愤怒与憎恨的情感。除了研究各种具体情感之间的相互作用,法国大革命情感史还着眼于不同社会群体之间在情感方面的差异及其相互影响、情感与行为之间的关系等,并与其他各国的重要革命进行比较研究,以期更加深入地认识法国大革命乃至18世纪法国文化的情感特性。     

Does Patronage Still Drive Politics for the Rural Poor in the Developing World? A Comparative Perspective from the Livestock Sector

Is the analysis of patron–client networks still important to the understanding of developing country politics or has it now been overtaken by a focus on ‘social capital’? Drawing on seventeen country studies of the political environment for livestock policy in poor countries, this article concludes that although the nature of patronage has changed significantly, it remains highly relevant to the ways peasant interests are treated. Peasant populations were found either to have no clear connection to their political leaders or to be controlled by political clientage. Furthermore, communities ‘free’ of patron–client ties to the centre generally are not better represented by political associations but instead receive fewer benefits from the state. Nonetheless, patterns of clientage are different from what they were forty years ago. First, patronage chains today often have a global reach, through trade, bilateral donor governments and international NGOs. Second, the resources that fuel political clientage today are less monopolistic and less adequate to the task of purchasing peasant political loyalty. Thus the bonds of patronage are less tight than they were historically. Third, it follows from the preceding point and the greater diversity of patrons operating today that elite conflicts are much more likely to create spaces in which peasant interests can eventually be aggregated into autonomous associations with independent political significance in the national polity. NGOs are playing an important role in opening up this political space although at the moment, they most often act like a new type of patron.     

Law, Patronage and Municipal Authority in Seventeenth-Century France: The Aftermath of the Lanturelu Revolt in Dijon

Popular uprisings have attracted the interest of early modernhistorians but the efforts of local elites to manage their consequencesremain largely unexplored. This article examines how Dijon’smunicipality negotiated the aftermath of the 1630 Lanturelurevolt. Following the uprising, Louis XIII curtailed Dijon’sprivileges, reorganized its municipality, and ordered it toindemnify the revolt’s victims. Over time, however, theavocats of Dijon’s municipal government successfully manipulatedthe Ancien Régime’s power networks—law, localinstitutions and clientage networks—to win a restorationof Dijon’s traditional city government, the reductionof damage claims, acknowledgement of the municipality’sinnocence and reaffirmation of its contested authority. Lanturelu’saftermath, often interpreted as an example of the early Bourbons’growing control over French cities, thus reveals that the lattercould remain dynamic political centres in the early seventeenthcentury and that the state’s expanding apparatus couldbe used to contest royal authority, as well as extend it.     

贵族话语与雅典民主政治的关系——以“刺杀僭主”叙事为中心

传统观点认为,虽然古典时期的雅典人创造了民主制,但并未发展出相应的民主政治话语,贵族的传统价值观和意识形态始终在民主政治中居于主导地位。然而,对"刺杀僭主"叙事的分析表明,贵族发明的话语传统可以在公共空间内被大众转化为城邦的政治话语,进而在新的历史语境中被民主化,为民主政治话语提供符号、仪式和形象,成为民主制的有机组成部分。这说明,古典时期雅典民主政治对旧时代政治符号的继承,并不等于贵族话语对民主政治的胜利。能够在新的政治语境中对旧叙事进行创造性改编,反而说明民主政治有能力利用旧传统的养分,创造出属于自身的政治话语。     

Making the Lancastrian capital at Leicester: the battle of Boroughbridge,civic diplomacy and seigneurial building projects in fourteenth-century England

Though a community of some note throughout the Middle Ages, Leicester really came to the forefront of England's consciousness following a series of political and economic crises in the first decades of the fourteenth century. Thereafter the relationship between the town and its Lancastrian lords was forced to shift from one of sometimes indifferent, sometimes overwhelming, clientage to a more balanced and mutually beneficial association. This increasingly positive relationship found physical expression in two projects in particular: the renovation of Leicester Castle and the foundation of the Newarke Hospital and College. This building programme gave the Lancastrian dynasty not only a place to stay, entertain and pray in southern England, but also a solid base from which to face the political and economic turmoil of the fourteenth century. This fact, along with Leicester's growing connection to the English royal family, would distinguish the town, and bequeath it an importance even once its Lancastrian lords had become kings of England. Leicester exemplifies important themes in later-medieval urban history. The town not only derived concord out of conflict with its lords in the face of difficult economic circumstances; it also brought some of the most potent aspects of both the English and continental traditions of urban-seigneurial relations together, especially in terms of the lord's political and physical connections with the town under his control.     

Employment on the Priory of Durham Estates, 1494–1519: The Priory as an Employer

Abstract

This article argues that during the years in which he was Archbishop of York, 1514 to 1530, Thomas Wolsey monopolised the patronage of the city of York's governing institution. Unlike previous patrons, Wolsey's status as both the prelate of the archdiocese and the most prominent Crown minister and favourite of Henry VIII, gave him an unprecedented position in the city's quest for securing royal favour. The mayor and commonalty of York were not only aware of Wolsey's pre-eminent standing, but sought to exploit their perceived special connection with him for the city's economic benefit. It was York's governors who initiated and strived to maintain a continual patron-client relationship with Wolsey. In doing so, they deviated from the typical pattern of clientage among sixteenth-century urban governments by forsaking multiple ties with other local and regional notables. Brokers formed the channel through which patronage and clientage were transmitted. These were both men associated with Wolsey through archidiocesan administration and resident locally, and men situated in Wolsey's London household at York Place. By examining patronage and clientage in the context of the city's most pressing issues, this article sheds light on urban-Crown relations in the early Henrician period under Wolsey's supremacy.     

Nobility and modern monarchy—J.H.G. Justi and the French debate on commercial nobility at the beginning of the seven years war

This article seeks to explore the European debate on commercial nobility at the beginning of the Seven Years War in the light of the intense reform debates over French absolutism in the 1730s and 1740s and Montesquieu's rigid refutation of noble trade in The Spirit of the Laws (1748). In early 1756, Montesquieu's position against noble trade had come under severe attack by Gabriel François Coyer's Noblesse Commerçante. Claiming that the royal absolutist system had transformed the nobles into an idle class without any political, economic, or military function that stood in sharp contrast to the dynamism of modern commercial society, Coyer perceived noble enterprises in maritime, wholesale, and even retail trade as a necessary means to help France compete with commercially more advanced states such as England and Holland. Coyer's pamphlet roused heated controversies in Paris and beyond and soon engaged the leading minds of the time in debates over the actual and desired role of the hereditary aristocracy in monarchies. Coyer's strongest opponents, like the Chevalier d’Arc, vehemently defended Montesquieu's contention that the upkeep of the non-commercial status of the nobility was a political necessity. Yet they, too, conceded that the nobility had to undergo severe reforms not to hamper France's military standing and future economic success. The article finally turns to Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, the most interesting commentator on the debate in Germany, who, by October 1756, had translated Coyer's and d’Arc's texts into German and written an own treatise on the same issue. Justi's pamphlet reveals that his political theory was deeply shaped by the debate and thus disproves the long-held assumption in the literature that German cameralism, with Justi as its main representative, was an allegedly isolated current of thought that neither received significant external influences, nor exerted any considerable impact beyond the boundaries of the Germanic world.     

The French moment of the American national identity. St. John de Crèvecoeur's agrarian myth

The aim of this essay is to return to the genesis of the American agrarian myth in the eighteenth century, as a path to investigate the origins of the American national identity. This will be done by means of a comprehensive reassessment of St. John de Crèvecoeur, the Norman noble whose name is bound to the success of Letters from an American Farmer. His work contains the origins of the agrarian ideal as a peculiarly American phenomenon, prior to independence and before Republican ideology placed agrarian democracy at its foundations, making the project of agrarian development and democratic participation inseparable one from another. A Frenchman who became American and then, after 25 years, French again, Crèvecoeur represents an ideal lens through which to analyse the hitherto insufficiently explored contribution of French economic culture to the creation of American national identity. As a multi-faceted figure whose richness has been dominated by his image as the author of a best-selling autobiographical novel, Crèvecoeur is here also seen (partly through unpublished sources) as an agronomist who was no stranger to physiocracy and as a diplomat and French intellectual who always felt profoundly American. It was precisely this attachment to the land, seen as fundamental to the vision of a new and distinct form of peaceful cohabitation and democratic partnership, that became a political theme and an economic development project of the new nation and, as such, was a main plank of the agrarian ideology of Thomas Jefferson's Republicans.     

塔西佗历史书写中的“年代记”及其政治功能北大核心CSSCI

塔西佗以传统“年代记”体裁写作自奥古斯都到图密善统治时期的历史。他的历史探讨最深刻的人性与政治的关系,以此论证元首政体的好坏与统治者品性之间的联系。塔西佗的政治生涯大部分在图密善时代度过,在图拉真统治时期开始写作历史。图密善的暴政使他对历史写作持谨慎小心的态度,而暴政带来的影响使他希望通过历史写作给贵族阶层提供政治教诲,培育政治上的审慎美德,以便服务于国家。历史写作上的谨慎和提供教诲的愿望,使他放弃了当时流行的皇帝传记体裁而选择传统“年代记”体裁。尽管“年代记”与皇帝传记一样,都把皇帝作为叙述中心,但塔西佗研究的重点是皇帝的统治技巧、计谋和贵族阶层对此的回应,这种叙述体裁的选择因而也是其写作意图的组成部分。     

Die Komnenen und die Kaiserkrone des westens

The opening decades of the thirteenth century witnessed the birth of historical writing in Old French prose, marking a decisive evolution in the historical tastes of the lay aristocracy, whose interest in the past had until then been satisfied by chanted verse histories and chansons de geste. The earliest products of the movement toward vernacular prose historiography were the first translations of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, of which no fewer than six independent versions were made within the confines of the French realm between 1200 and 1230. The translation of Pseudo-Turpin, and with it the creation of vernacular prose historiography, was the work of a small group of Franco-Flemish lords circulating in the orbit of the count of Flanders. This extreme chronological and geographical concentration suggests that vernacular historiography in general, and Pseudo-Turpin in particular, addressed itself with special urgency to the needs of the French aristocracy at a moment of crisis and that historiographical innovation was, at least in part, a response to changes taking place in the social and political conditions of noble life experienced at that moment. The substitution of prose for verse, and of history for legend, would seem to be the product of an ideological initiative on the part of the French aristocracy, whose social dominance in French society was being contested by the rise of royal power during the very period which witnessed the birth of vernacular prose historiography. By appropriating the inherent authority of Latin texts and by adapting prose for the historicization of aristocratic literary language, vernacular prose history emerges as a literature of fact, integrating on a literary level the historical experience and expressive language proper to the aristocracy. No longer the expression of a shared, collective image of the community's social past, vernacular prose history becomes instead a partisan record intended to serve the interests of a particular social group and inscribes, in the very nature of its linguistic code, a partisan and ideologically motivated assertion of the aristocracy's place and prestige in medieval society.