卡特政府从韩国撤军政策变化初探

卡特政府撤出驻韩美军地面部队政策的制定与实施,是20世纪70年代后半期美国对韩政策的重要组成部分.这是美国战略思想转变的结果,也是卡特政府力图在朝鲜半岛避免直接卷入军事冲突的考虑.该政策从制定到终止,此中的缘由经纬万端.来自政府内部、军界和国会等相关各方的反对及卡特政府对日、对苏政策的综合考虑等,均为卡特政府终止该政策的原因.同时,美国对朝情报分析结果及"韩国门"事件也是卡特政府终止撤出驻韩美军地面部队的因素之一.国际局势变化促使驻韩美军以美国国家利益为主线在"撤"与"留"之间徘徊.     

20世纪70年代驻韩联合国军司令部存废问题——以美国决策为中心的考察

驻韩联合国军司令部是美国在朝鲜半岛的重要冷战工具之一。20世纪70年代初,随着朝鲜半岛内外部关系的急剧变动、不结盟国家在联合国实力的日益壮大以及驻韩联合国军司令部自身的不断萎缩,驻韩联合国军司令部存废问题被提上议事日程。短暂回避后,美国决定在不明显损害自身在朝鲜半岛的既得利益,甚至迫使中朝两国做出某种让步的前提下,废除驻韩联合国军司令部。但国际舆论的彻底分裂导致1975年联大同时采纳美韩和中朝的提案,驻韩联合国军司令部则一直存在至今。之所以出现如上结局,部分原因在于身处缓和年代的美国决策者并未从根本上调整对朝鲜半岛的政策,依旧片面地追求国家利益的最大化。     

美国是怎样卷入朝鲜战争的？

美国是怎样卷入朝鲜战争的？沈志华朝鲜战争的爆发，引起美国对朝政策乃至远东政策骤然发生转变。１９５０年初，美国政府曾公开宣布朝鲜半岛处于美国远东战线的防御圈之外，美国对朝鲜问题的一切计划都是从朝鲜脱身为基点的。这一政策的理论依据是杜鲁门１月５日的声明、...     

试析朝鲜战争期间美国对华全面经济战

朝鲜战争期间,美国曾对新中国发动过全面经济战。美国对华全面经济战具体何时发动？为何发动？如何发动？包括哪些内容？对这些有关美国对华遏制政策史的基本问题,史学界迄今未作全面系统阐释。本文试图利用美国对外关系文件中的有关档案资料及国内外有关研究成果,对这些问题作些解释,以就教于史学界前辈同侪。一、中国介人朝战前的美国对华经济政策1950年10月中国介入朝战前,美国对新中国的经济政策曾经历过两阶段变化。第一阶段自1949年初到1950年6月朝战爆发,历时一年半。其时美国决策集团确定的对华政策目标是：用经济和政治手段…     

甲午战争爆发前美国对中朝英请求调停的态度

甲午战争爆发前,美国对于日本在朝蓄意挑起对中国战争的行为,并没有采取强有力的措施予以阻止,只是作了形式上的劝告;对朝鲜的多次调停请求予以拒绝;拒绝参与英国倡导的＂联合调停＂,即使是友谊的干涉也不同意;对清政府请求促使中立两国同时撤兵的请求,也予以拒绝。美国之所以采取这种政策是与其国家利益息息相关的。     

1959年赫鲁晓夫的访美与中苏关系

1959年苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫访问美国是20世纪五六十年代美苏关系发展史上一重要历史事件。它不仅影响到美苏之间的关系,而且还深刻地影响到中苏关系的发展。赫鲁晓夫在访美期间高调宣扬“和平共处”的缓和外交,力图同美国共治世界,实现世界霸权;中国政府高度关注赫鲁晓夫的美国之行,对其所宣扬的外交政策及对世界局势的错误认识感到不满;随后在中国进行的会谈中,中苏双方也没有消除在对美国政策方面的分歧,反而使分歧进一步加深。     

镂—罗杰斯远征:美国“炮舰外交”的失败

镂—罗杰斯远征是美国与朝鲜的第一次官方接触,由此引发的1871年美朝战争是美朝政府间的第一次军事冲突,史称"辛未洋扰"。镂—罗杰斯远征作为美国"炮舰外交"的体现,其实质是希望通过武力威慑逼迫朝鲜开国。远征团对朝鲜国情和朝鲜"锁国"政策认识不足成为"炮舰外交"失败的直接原因,镂斐迪的个人因素也是失败的原因之一。镂—罗杰斯远征是美国打开朝鲜国门的第一次尝试,尽管未能成功,却为美国最终敲开朝鲜国门发挥了重要作用,而且是西方条约体系对东方华夷体系的又一次冲击,对美国、朝鲜及东亚格局产生了多重影响。     

从欧洲安全与合作会议看英国对东西方缓和的态度

欧洲安全与合作会议是缓和的最高潮,它十分清晰地反映出英国对缓和的态度及其政策特点:不想要,但不可避免。虽然英国并不想要欧安会,但是针对苏联的缓和政策,也为了在缓和潮流里不落后于盟国,英国不仅积极参与欧安会的准备工作,还在各议题上最大限度地为西方联盟争取利益。在欧安会的开幕时间问题上,英国坚持和西德保持同步。从结果看,英国对欧安会所做的比较充分的准备使西方集团在谈判期间获得了长时间的优势,还成功地使自己在会议进程中扮演了重要的大国角色,也一定程度上对欧洲的未来产生了深远影响。     

甲午战争爆发前美国对中朝英请求调停的态度

甲午战争爆发前,美国对于日本在朝蓄意挑起对中国战争的行为,并没有采取强有力的措施予以阻止,只是作了形式上的劝告;对朝鲜的多次调停请求予以拒绝;拒绝参与英国倡导的"联合调停",即使是友谊的干涉也不同意;对清政府请求促使中立两国同时撤兵的请求,也予以拒绝。美国之所以采取这种政策是与其国家利益息息相关的。     

清朝封禁东北时期朝鲜人犯越动机探析

自1627年后,中朝双方对两国边界犯越行为明令禁止,然虽然朝鲜严格执行禁越政策,清朝也对朝民犯越行为采取强硬态度,但中朝边境朝鲜人犯越事件仍然屡禁不止.本文通过对丁卯之役后至同治以前这一时间段朝鲜人越境入中国东北的原因及动机进行探析,以求从一个侧面探视与解析清朝封禁时期中朝边界问题。     

Rationalizing the Guerilla State: North Korean Factory Management Reform, 1953–61

This article examines the Taean Management System (TMS), a North Korean factory management reform program of 1961. Three factors explain why the TMS emerged at the time it did: first, influence from the Soviet Union and China since 1945 provided the knowledge of factory management; second, decreasing foreign aid since the mid‐1950s urged the North Koreans to search for ways to increase productivity; and third, the rise of an ideology of self‐reliance excluded the option of being integrated into the international economy. The resulting TMS, which arose at this juncture as an amalgam of rationalization and ideology, was the origin of modern management in North Korea.     

The China factor in the US–South Korea alliance: the perceived usefulness of China in the Korean Peninsula

Over the past 10 years, South Korea has chosen inconsistent strategies with respect to the US–South Korea alliance. On the one hand, Seoul disagreed with Washington about the extended role of United States Forces Korea and the deployment of US missile defence systems in East Asia. On the other hand, these problems ironically coincided with South Korea's strong support for the USA in operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. What explains the inconsistency of South Korea's alliance policies? Major schools of thought in international relations have offered explanations, but their analyses are deficient and indeterminate. This article looks at the South Korea–China–North Korea triangle as a new approach to explaining the puzzling behaviour of South Korea. The model shows that South Korea's alliance policies are driven by two causal variables. First, North Korea is an impelling force for South Korea to remain as a strong US alliance partner. This encourages Seoul to maintain cooperation with Washington in wide-ranging alliance tasks. Second, South Korea's policies are likely to reflect the way the nation perceives how useful China is in taming North Korea. The perceived usefulness of China causes Seoul to accommodate China and decrease cooperation with the USA. This might strain the relationship with the USA should South Korea evade alliance missions that might run contrary to China's security interests.     

South Korea’s North Korean Image Problem: Human Rights under the Spotlight

ABSTRACT

The 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea (UN COI) had a decisive impact on South Korea’s approach to North Korea’s human rights abuses in the several years following its release. This article interprets moves within South Korea to support the UN COI’s recommendations as taken in the interests of ontological security, or a stable sense of identity, which has also driven the state’s broader initiatives on image management and nation branding. It extends the boundaries of nation-branding research by considering why and how a state may adopt policies that enhance its moral visibility and reputation in world affairs. It considers how a positive reputation is enhanced by demonstrating good international citizenship, promoting the visibility of state identity parameters beyond its culture and core industries. This article interprets the South Korean government’s efforts to act on North Korean human rights following the UN COI, as well as the significance of being seen to be doing so at home and abroad as security-giving behaviour asserting its moral authority in relation to North Korea. It explores how a longstanding policy of relative silence on North Korea’s human rights record acceded to identity-driven pressures arising from the UN COI and influencing South Korea’s international image-management strategy between 2014 and 2017.     

North Korea and Zimbabwe, 1978–1982: from the strategic alliance to the symbolic comradeship between Kim Il Sung and Robert Mugabe

This article provides an explanation for North Korea-Zimbabwe bilateral relations from the late 1970s to the early 1980s, in the context of Cold War in the Third World. Supporting the military resistance of African nations, North Korea sought to gain its dominance over South Korea in the diplomatic war between the two Koreas. North Korea contributed to the liberation of Zimbabwe and helped Robert Mugabe establish his political foundations in the country. However, North Korea’s political gain from Zimbabwe was less than it expected and hence did not make any significant changes in its competition with South Korea.     

Co-evolution of networks and discourses: a case from North Korean defector-activists

This article uses an eclectic approach of network and discourse analyses to examine symbiotic relations between the formation of professional networks and the constitution of normative discourses in international affairs. Based on more than 2000 English and Korean mixed materials about the five most-mentioned North Korean defector-activists in the media in 1998–2015, and assisted by a computer-based content analysis tool, the author demonstrates how each of those five defector-activists has employed their endogenous identities to join the system of international human rights activism and offered legitimate narratives for the campaigns against North Korea, while forming transnational networks in South Korea, the USA and the UK. She argues that individuals’ endogenous identities and agency are critical for shaping normative discourses in international human rights activism against North Korea in the first instance, which then grow exponentially through transnational networks formed by individuals.     

Two middle Cambrian trilobite genera,Cyclolorenzella Kobayashi, 1960 and Jiulongshania gen. nov., from Korea and China

As is widely recognised, fossil florules are difficult to correlate because they appear to have been more controlled by environmental and ecological factors than uniform changes which reflect the passage of geological time. Here I present a worked example of a generally applicable approach to this problem in dating and mapping fossil plant associations.

Floral associations are best described and named by the classical methods of phytosociology. The three dimensional shape of an association in rocks and its palaeoecology can then be critically assessed. For example, during Middle Triassic time the following plant associations would have been encountered on a traverse from the coast to several hundred kilometres inland from the Pacific margin of Gondwanaland: Pachydermophylletum (mangrove scrub), Linguifolietum (coastal swamp woodland), Dicroidietum odontopteroidium (floodplain forest), Phoenicopsetum (levee bank scrub), Dicroidietum odontopteroidium xylopterosum (xerophytic woodland) and Johnstonietum (mallee-like woodland).

The fourth dimension of fossil plant associations (time) is best assessed from the evolution of a prominent group of plants. In conjunction with the ranges of other plant megafossils, evolutionary changes can be used to define Oppel-zones. For the Late Permian to Early Jurassic of eastern Australasia, I have used the evolution of Dicroidium and leaves of related pteridosperm plants together with other species of restricted stratigraphic range or prominent in the definition of the fossil plant associations. From this evidence four Oppel-zones can be recognised. ‘Thinnfeldia’ callipteroides Oppel-zone (Chhidruan to Smithian, 250–230 × 10⁶ years), Dicroidium zuberi Oppel-zone (Smithian to Middle Anisian, 230–220 × 10⁶ years), D. odontopteroides Oppel-zone (Late Anisian to Ladinian, 220–210 × 10⁶ years) and Yabeiella Oppel-zone (Carnian to Rhaetian, 210–200 × 10⁶ years.

In a complete revision of the pteridosperm form-genera Dicroidium, Johnstonia and Xylopteris, a large number of new combinations and the following new taxa are proposed; Dicroidium gouldii sp. nov., D. odontopteroides var. argenteum var. nov., D. odontopteroides var. moltenense var. nov., D. radiatum sp. nov., D. townrovii sp. nov. and Johnstonia coriacea var. obesa var. nov.     

States of Insecurity

Under Communism, Albania and North Korea rejected de-Stalinisation, clung to leader cults, and, after the acrimonious break between Moscow and Beijing, championed ‘self-reliance’. Often mentioned in passing, the Albanian–North Korean parallel has seldom been analysed. This article highlights three aspects that shaped the Communist regimes' insecurity: the social dynamics of war and early threats; the challenge presented by de-Stalinisation in 1956; and the momentous Sino–Soviet split in the early 1960s. Like the boisterous language of Marxism-Leninism and the drive to engineer a non-capitalist society, insecurity was also built into the Communist international system. Clinging to Stalinist methods, then, was also a reflection of the self-destructive potential of calls for reforming the Communist system, which threatened to tear the Eastern bloc apart. Tirana and Pyongyang pursued different paths to ‘self-reliance’, yet they could not help speaking a similar language and facing similar problems. North Korea ultimately joined the Non-Aligned Movement but achieved little success in the Third World. The irony is that tiny, isolated Albania, which shunned the Movement, ultimately ended up non-aligned: violently critical of Moscow, Beijing, and Washington, and distrustful of practically everyone else.     

Explaining North Korea's Nuclear Ambitions: Power and Position on the Korean Peninsula

The USA has long called for the complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation of North Korea. But is this a realistic policy option? In order to address this question, a broader question needs to be answered: What are the primary drivers of North Korea’s interest in nuclear weapons? Most answers to this question take one of two basic positions. ‘Doves’, on the one hand, see North Korea developing nuclear weapons because of the threatening foreign policies of the USA and South Korea. ‘Hawks’, on the other hand, see North Korean nuclear development as driven by factors internal to the North Korean regime, inherent in its personality. The author examines these two arguments against the evidence and finds them both wanting. In contrast, he puts forth an alternative argument focused on the power of the global hegemon, the USA, and its position on the Korean Peninsula. This power and positional alternative is shown to be better reflected in the evidence presented.     

Early Middle Cambrian corals from western New South Wales

Three forms, Cothonion sympomatum gen. et sp. nov. with a bi-radially septate operculum, and the new species lissa and daseia of the genus Lipopora gen. nov., are described from the early Middle Cambrian Coonigan Formation in the Mootwingee district of western New South Wales, Australia. They may be representatives of hitherto unknown groups of organisms, but they are tentatively interpreted as coelenterates that reached a level of development comparable with the Anthozoa. Cothonion is placed in the new family Cothoniidae and questionably referred to the Rugosa. Lipopora is considered to be similar to Coelenteratella Korde; both are grouped in the new family Lipoporidae and tentatively referred to the Tabulata.     

Watching North Korea from the sky: Remote sensing and documenting human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

For organisations committed to documenting human rights abuses in North Korea, gathering data is an ongoing challenge. Faced with the lack of access to the country, as well as the problems inherent in verifying testimonies from North Korean escapees, some organisations have turned to hybrid methodologies, including pairing remote sensing (RS) technologies with testimonial data to better understand the people, places and institutions associated with human rights violations. In the case of North Korea, to date, remote sensing has been used primarily to monitor nuclear weapons and missile development sites. This work has at times sparked controversy, given the scope for analytical error and the high stakes associated with flawed analysis. Against this backdrop, this article discusses the application of remote sensing to augment human rights abuse investigations and calls for greater attention to the potential of remote sensing data to both assist in eliciting information in research interviews, and to generate data that may be used to support the pursuit of accountability for alleged violations of international law. Specifically, it considers the work of an ongoing project developed in South Korea using satellite imagery and Geographic Information Systems technology together with witness testimonies to document sites of state-led killings and burials in North Korea. The paper cites advantages to be had from developing hybrid methods of data-gathering in this context and describes some of the key methodological considerations involved, as well as the possible applications of the data in seeking justice and remedy in the future.