A mansion for the mad: an archaeology of Brooke House,Hackney

Abstract

Socio-cultural perceptions towards madness in the 18th century maintained the madhouse as private and isolated. This contributes to the relative absence of historical records that would allow a thorough scrutiny of the 18th-century madhouse as a social, political and psychological residence. Yet, the surviving collection of material culture retained from Brooke House offers a unique opportunity to reveal contemporary ideologies regarding madness in the 18th century. Utilizing archaeological approaches in the analysis of the building and its interiors, this paper seeks to explore this unique building and its impact on residents, revealing experiences of the confined in 18th-century England.     

德才之辨:明代士大夫的精神世界

追溯中国思想史的源头,儒家传统讲究"内圣外王"。社会史的演变历程更是证明,小人多才、君子无才亦是一种普遍的现象,而德与才很难合一。德才之辨,是传统中国士大夫的古老命题。尽管明代的士大夫仍然承袭宋儒之论,倡导重德轻才,且就明代士大夫的行为而言,亦不乏德才两分的现象,但至少有如下两大转向值得引起研究者的关注,即从重德轻才向重才轻德的转变,以及从重才轻德向德才合一的转变。随之而来者,则是儒家"内圣外王"之说的复兴,以及理学向原始儒学的回归。     

Punishing wars of aggression: conceptualising Nazi State criminality and the US policy behind shaping the crime against peace, 1943-1945

This paper refocuses attention on what has been seen as one of the most important limbs of the Nuremberg Charter – the crime against peace, or aggressive war. It looks at the legal and political dimensions that motivated such a characterisation by figures behind the debate, and the various, at times uncertain steps, in bringing forth the designation based on breaches of the Kellogg–Briand Pact within the milieu of other traditional offences. Particular attention is given to the philosophical underpinnings of the crime against peace regarding individual German guilt, notably members of the Nazi leadership, with an examination of influences that proved critical in creating a punishable crime at international law. This paper argues that, despite being of continuing interest to civic groups, such an offence continues to trouble legislators and lawyers, rooted as it is in the focus on war as itself criminal.     

Biodiversity and sectoral responsibility in the development of Swedish Forestry Policy, 1988-1993

In 1993 the Swedish parliament deregulated national forestry policy and established an environmental goal in parallel with the previous, long-standing goal of high wood production. This paper shows how the change occurred in the context of major changes in Swedish environmental policy during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Within a short time, new environmental legislation and the introduction of legal protection for small forest and agricultural habitats of high ecological value reoriented national forestry policy, away from an overriding focus on wood production to an increased awareness of nature conservation and biodiversity preservation. Reflecting a major compromise with the state, forest owners have gained greater freedom to manage their land, but must also improve environmental conditions while achieving high wood production, a policy known as 'freedom under responsibility'. The paper explains how both the parliament and industry supported increased nature conservation and biodiversity to maintain forest health and support the forestry industry, by favouring responsible resource use and not simply protection from human influence.     

Imperial Geographies of Home: British Domesticity in India, 1886–1925

This paper considers the translation of domestic discourses over imperial space as middle-class British women established homes in India from 1886 to 1925. Unlike studies of imperial domesticity that delineate separate spheres of home and empire, I consider the exercise of imperial power on a domestic scale, by examining advice given in household guides on managing servants and raising British children in India. Rather than view the household merely as confining, I also explore the advice given to British women regarding travel outside their homes in India. The domestic roles of British women reproduced imperial power relations on a household scale, and the political significance of imperial domesticity extended beyond the boundaries of the home.     

Henry Head in Ewald Hering's laboratory in Prague 1884-1886: an early study on the nervous control of breathing

Henry Head, the English neurologist, received the main parts of his academic education in Cambridge and in London. In addition, he spent two years in Prague where he worked in the physiology department of the German university under the guidance of Ewald Hering. He was interested in the nervous control of breathing and worked out a new method of recording the tension and the contractions of the diaphragm in anaesthetised animals. His results substantiated the experimental basis of the Hering-Breuer reflexes and included the discovery of a new reflex now named Head's paradoxical reflex. Head not only wrote an extensive paper about his scientific work, the recollections of his time in Prague also formed a considerable part of his autobiographical notes. These were written some forty years later and still expressed a deep affection for his teacher and mentor.     

见贤思齐、臻于至善:18世纪法国社会中富含美德的竞争观念

émulation乃是18世纪法国精英经常谈及的概念,在启蒙时代的文化与社会生活中扮演了颇为重要的角色。该词具有竞争之含义,但它所指的不是对于利益、权力与财富的争夺,而是在美德、优点和荣誉方面追赶甚至超越他人。18世纪后期,此概念在保有其追求美德与优长之意蕴的同时,逐渐深化了参与竞争,获取成功的内涵。这一趋向与当时法国教育、艺术领域以及各省学院中盛行以竞赛、展览和征文等形式鼓励竞争意识的现象相一致。启蒙时代的某些法国精英力图将本质上体现了贵族精神的竞争意识转变为一种民族精神,从而实现社会改良之目的。他们希冀通过倡导竞争观念重塑法国人的道德风尚与精神面貌,并且推动农业和商业的发展。     

Educational Conquest: Schools as a Sphere of Politics in French Mandate Syria, 1936-1946

This article deals with the significance of the school as aspace for colonial and diplomatic power struggles in the FrenchMandate territories of Syria and Lebanon between 1936 and 1945.Often underestimated in their importance to colonial and internationalaffairs, schools were an integral part of France’s precariouspolitical administration in the Levant. Although fiercely anti-clericalat home, the French government relied extensively on long-establishedCatholic missionary schools to entrench its control. These schoolsemerged as a space for conflict, both symbolically and physically,as a result of their association with France’s policyof promoting non-Sunni communities at the expense of the regionalSunni majority. Within the context of these policies, Frenchschools became a symbol of privilege for francophile Christianelites and of oppression for Muslim or pan-Arab groups disaffectedwith the regime. The discussion here addresses the role of schoolsas a focus for conflict and cooperation among French officialsand educators working in the Levant, as a forum for Franco-Syriancolonial interaction and as an object of international diplomaticdispute as Syria gained its independence.