Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights:

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, based not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values. These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream. ¹
President Jimmy Carter, Inaugural Address, 20 January 20, 1977     

卡特政府从韩国撤军政策变化初探

卡特政府撤出驻韩美军地面部队政策的制定与实施,是20世纪70年代后半期美国对韩政策的重要组成部分.这是美国战略思想转变的结果,也是卡特政府力图在朝鲜半岛避免直接卷入军事冲突的考虑.该政策从制定到终止,此中的缘由经纬万端.来自政府内部、军界和国会等相关各方的反对及卡特政府对日、对苏政策的综合考虑等,均为卡特政府终止该政策的原因.同时,美国对朝情报分析结果及"韩国门"事件也是卡特政府终止撤出驻韩美军地面部队的因素之一.国际局势变化促使驻韩美军以美国国家利益为主线在"撤"与"留"之间徘徊.     

Labor Rights as Global Human Rights

Book reviewed in this article:
Edward C. Lorenz, Defining Global Justice: The History of U.S. International Labor Standards Policy     

Women's Rights as Human Rights after the End of History

This article is based on the 2022 Gender & History annual lecture. It reconsiders the recent history of women's rights as human rights. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union brought to an end a twentieth-century discourse of women's rights, understood not only as legal norms, but as a political language harnessed to a narrative of women as a collective subject progressing towards emancipation and equality. This was enabled by an international order in which human rights were tied to visions of self-determination, social rights and strong states, creating spaces for new subjects to make their voices heard in international law, albeit in particular and circumscribed ways. After 1989, women were again written into international law primarily as victims of violence, while the emergence of gender as a category of analysis challenged the notion of ‘women’ as a collective subject of rights. The story of women's rights, the article concludes, suggests that recent revisionist histories of human rights as a neoliberal utopia are only one part of a more complex human rights history.     

美国宪法改革与人权政策

美国人权政策是建立在古典政治哲学基础之上的,它过分强调人民的消极权利,而忽视了人民的积极权利。随着美国社会的发展,这种人权政策显得越来越不能适应时代的需要。因此,20世纪80年代以来,美国又掀起了宪法改革运动的高潮,以解决宪法中存在的人权概念不清楚和政治自由太多、人民的经济利益太少的问题。在修宪运动中,美国的最高法院发挥了重要的历史作用,使运动取得了一些阶段性成果。但由于种族偏见的根深蒂固,因此美国人权政策的发展依然面临着有待进一步克服的问题。     

Militarism and Human Rights

Through an analysis of the impact of military spending on economic growth, the author argues that militarism and human rights are incompatible. Implementation of the economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights set out in the International Bill of Human Rights requires national mobilization of economic resources. If limited national capital is consumed in excessive military expenditures the feasibility of rights fulfilment diminishes. The article outlines initial public policies designed to limit militarism and to allow international human rights to serve as the cornerstone of domestic and foreign policy.     

论清教思想和英国理性主义对美国早期人权政策的影响

美国人权理论和渊源虽然可以上溯到古希腊、罗马,但其传统则直接承继英国的清教思想和理性主义①。清教思想和英国理性主义的自由平等原则给美国人权政策提供了理论基础,但这些原则中包含的消极因素也对美国的人权理论产生了不良影响,深刻地影响着美国人权政策的发展。一、清教的人权思想美国人权理论有一种基本的倾向：即高举自由、平等的旗帜。这种倾向主要来自清教的人权思想和英国理性主义。清教的人权思想发端于宗教自由,表达为自然权利说、自然神论和皈依契约说②。在灿烂的清教思想家群星中,闪烁着最耀眼光辉的人物是约翰·弥尔…     

The Applicability of Human Rights: A Voegelinian Interpretation

ABSTRACT

The human rights discourse is prevalent in our contemporary social and political setting. In large part it determines the way we understand justice and therefore plays a crucial role in shaping the way we think and act. But despite its prevalence and widespread acceptance, this discourse is not without its difficulties. One of the more persistent, significant, and well-documented problems associated with human rights is whether they are universal or relative in their application. The following essay attempts to confront this question from a novel and more informative perspective than the ones offered thus far. Analyzing the debate concerning the universality or relativity of human rights from within the intellectual framework of Eric Voegelin's philosophy of history, this essay endeavors to uncover the essence of human rights and thus bring to light their true function lest we burden them with tasks that are beyond their scope.     

辛亥革命时期的省制纠结

辛亥各省光复政权乃至民初政府的省制,多在清末外官改制和各省独立自治的基础上加以变通,共和制下如何确定中央与地方的关系,省制成为关键。民初朝野舆论相持最久、困扰最多的省制方案与争论,不宜单从民主与专制较量的角度立论,还应考虑时人对国家统一的向往与对分裂的隐忧。中国历史文化中,分合与治乱兴衰紧密联系。省制模式中集权与分权、官治与自治的平衡取舍,既与民主、专制相关联,也与统一或分裂的抉择相始终。由于以省为地方自治层级范围过大,东西方各国无此先例,单一制与联邦制均不适合,民初省制因此成为本土国情与域外制度纠结甚深的焦点。这一难解的症结,或许仍将对中国的政治体制改革产生深远影响。     

论马克思主义人权理论和前苏联人权实践对美国人权政策的影响

长期以来,我国学普遍认为美国人权政策是沿西方轨道发展的。然而新的资料表明,美国人权政策的发展也受到了马克思主义人权观和前苏联人权实践的影响。研究这些影响,有助于了解21世纪美国人权政策的发展趋势,因而具有重要学术价值与现实意义。     

论人权与主权关系的多重性

人权与主权存在着重大区别：主体不同,内容不同,产生的时间不同,属性不同,涉及的因素不同,领域不同;同时,二又有密切的联系：人权对主权形成挑战,人权的落实受到主权的制约。在人权与主权关系问题上本反对“高于说”：既反对人权高于主权论,也反对主权高于人权论,主张应充分重视人权与主权关系的复杂性。     

Human Rights Fighter Praises Feudal Serfdom

TheoldTibetunderthe14thDalaiLamahadnohumanrights.Inthe1980s,however,thischiefrenresentativeofthefeudalserfsystemovernightbecameahumanrightsfighter.Repeatedly,heexcitedlyaccusedtheCentralGovernmentofviolatinghumanrights.Therearesomethingsintheworldwhicha…     

西欧中世纪的权利之争与近代人权观的形成

西方的人权理论并非从资产阶级革命中突然产生的,而是有一个长期的形成过程。资产阶级革命前,某种程度上西欧资产阶级已享有某些基本人权,特别是比较充分的经营自主权。所以西方的人权理论是在一种独特的历史传统中形成的,对其他民族来说其内容有独特性和狭隘性的一面。