The regulation of employment services: Private employment agencies and labour market policy

Public policy relating to the labour market has undergone significant change over recent years. These changes reflect demands for greater flexibility in the labour market, and respond to pressures of growing levels of unemployment and consequent exacerbation of divisions within the labour market. A conflict is apparent, however, in the mix of policies adopted. Accompanying moves towards a more ‘active’ style labour market policy has been a trend towards greater reliance on private means of delivery such that the dividing line between public (CES) and private employment agencies is becoming increasingly blurred. Evidence from a survey of private employment agencies and employers conducted in Brisbane in 1992/93 suggests that such a trend may reduce the capacity to regulate employment services and facilitate a commitment to employers’ interests at the expense of those of many entrants to the labour market.     

Australian trade policy in an age of globalisation

Arguably, the world trading system has entered a period of greater change and uncertainty in the past two years than at any time since the end of the Cold War. At the same time, Australia faces a range of internal and external challenges to its trade policy, while having lost many of the old 'certainties' guiding its trade agenda. This article identifies four major challenges confronting Australian trade policy now and into the future: the EU agenda to inject self-serving 'governance' mechanisms into the WTO; rises in the demands and influence of developing countries within the WTO; the new trend towards bilateral free trade areas; and increasing opposition to globalisation by groups within society. It assesses the capacity of Australia's trade bureaucracy to manage these issues, warning against expecting too much of the trade policy agenda, particularly in relation to the role it plays within domestic politics in Australia.     

US Empire and the Project of Women's Studies: Stories of citizenship,complicity and dissent

This essay charts some of the most urgent challenges feminists confront in relation to imperialism, militarization, and corporate globalization in the USA. It insists on the necessity of feminist anti-imperialist praxis, specifically in the context of the academic and non-academic projects engendered by Women's Studies scholarship and teaching in North America. An analysis of the Abu Ghraib events illustrates the deeply gendered, racial, and sexualized national practices of US military culture and the Bush/Cheney war state. The essay calls for feminist engagement with a US imperial (not just democratic in promissory terms) state by connecting domestic with foreign policy issues. Suggesting that the US academy is profoundly implicated in the current project of empire, the essay further analyzes the place of Women's Studies and its history of contested citizenship projects as a crucial site of feminist anti-imperialist praxis. It seeks to make an important distinction between feminist practice that is complicit in the project of empire, and radical, anti-imperialist feminisms anchored in a politics of dissent.

El Imperio Americano y el Proyecto de Estudios de Mujeres: Sobre las políticas de complicidad y disidente

Este artículo traza algunos de los desafíos más urgentes que se confrontan feministas en cuenta al imperialismo, militarización, y globalización corporativa en los Estados Unidos. Se insita en la necesidad de una praxis feminista antiimperialista, específicamente in el contexto de los proyectos académicos y no académicos que se engendran por la erudición y la instrucción de Estudios de Mujeres en Norte América. Una análisis de los eventos de Abu Ghraib ilustra que los prácticos de la militaría Americana y del estado guerrero de Bush/Cheney son hondamente racializado, sexualizado, y generificado. Este artículo llama para un debate feminista con el estado Americano imperial (no solo democrático en termas promisorio) que se conecta los problemas domésticos e internacionales de políticas. Sugiriéndose que la academia Americana es profundamente implicado en el proyecto actual del Imperio, este artículo analice, además, que el lugar de Estudios de Mujeres y su historia de proyectos contra-hegemónicos de ciudadanías como sitios cruciales para la praxis feminista antiimperialista. Este artículo trata de hacer una distinción importante entre la practica feminista, lo que es involucrado en el proyecto del Imperio, y las feminismas radicales, antiimperialistas que se fondean en una política de disidente.     

Migration in a segmented labour market

"Current research in migration is moving on from neo-classical and behavioural perspectives to a more structural approach relating to wider processes, issues of power and the particular role of employers. Within this programme a key issue for investigation is the interaction between spatial mobility and the structuring of labour markets. This paper focuses on the significance of labour market segmentation--in terms both of job stability and gender--for migration, both theoretically and through an empirical analysis of data from the UK Labour Force Survey on sponsored and unsponsored moves."     

Shaping labour migration to Italy: the role of labour market institutions

This article critically examines the existing explanations for the initiation and perpetuation of labour migration to Italy between the 1970s and early 2000s and highlights the role of labour market institutions in shaping demand for migrant labour. It posits that the institutions governing the labour market in Italy have contributed to creating demand for migrant workers first by generating a significant amount of low-standard employment and second by producing massive obstacles and disincentives to the labour market participation of the domestic supply of labour.     

Women's policy networks and the Infanticide Act 1922

This article examines the reason for the passage of the 1922 Infanticide Act, arguing that it owes much to the influence and work of women's policy networks. Historians have disagreed as to why the Act was passed with relative suddenness in the early 1920s, at a time when infanticide was generally considered a much less pressing social issue than it had been in Victorian England. Moreover, several Bills brought between 1908 and 1913 proposing that the law on this subject be amended so that women who killed their newborns no longer faced the death penalty had all failed. Importantly, the roles of juror and lay magistrate had become open to women in 1920, following the passage of the Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919. The public interest generated by a case of newborn murder tried at the Leicester Assizes in 1921 (particularly amongst women's organizations, including the suffragette group the Women's Freedom League) led several leading women with political connections to push for a change in the law. Without the pressure these women could bring to bear on civil servants and politicians, attempts to bring in new legislation on infanticide would have been postponed well into the twentieth century.     

Immigrants in a segmented and often undeclared labour market

This article develops a systematic analysis of available data on foreign workers in the Italian economy. Their presence reflects the fragmented character of Italian labour markets and the particular importance in Italy of the ‘hidden economy’. These factors alone explain why Italy experiences simultaneously a shortage of labour and high labour costs, from which the demand for foreign labour has resulted. The study uses both official data and the findings of a number of secondary studies in the field to show how foreign workers participate in all the lower branches of employment and in some sectors have become the predominant group. However, the presence of foreign workers varies considerably by sector and by region, in turn reflecting certain structural features of the Italian economy. The study concludes by arguing that the presence of these foreign workers in the Italian labour market serves to perpetuate its flexibility, in some cases by complementing and in others by substituting for the indigenous labour force.     

Transitions to Work: Masculine identities,youth inequality and labour market change

In this article, the initial transitions of white working-class male post-compulsory school leavers in two British cities are investigated. In the context of economic restructuring, the decline of manufacturing employment, and the rise in young women's educational achievements, it has been argued that poorly educated young men are increasingly disadvantaged in the labour market. Indeed, this may be the first generation of young men in the post-war period that will experience downward mobility compared to their fathers. In an earlier article, the author explored the labour market aspirations of white working-class boys living on peripheral local authority estates in Cambridge and Sheffield and in their final year at school. Despite the decline of manufacturing employment, they hoped to enter typically 'male' jobs in, for example, the car industry in both cities and in the steel industry in Sheffield. In this article, the author explores their labour market experiences in the year since they left school and their sense of themselves as masculine workers in the context of debates emphasising a growing 'crisis' of masculinity.     

The state of globalisation and the globalisation of the state

This article examines how to evaluate claims about the extent and impact of globalisation. A focus on the significance of earlier phases of globalisation is essential, but underestimating the importance and scope of recent developments is the wrong lesson to learn from a more historically informed analysis. While it is necessary to maintain a healthy scepticism towards endings, inevitability and irreversibility, it is important to remain open to the possibility that the world political economy has indeed undergone substantial transformation. This article argues that quantitative measures of globalisation need to be supplemented with an analysis of the pivotal role of the state in spurring and sponsoring the process of global economic interaction. State constructions of the imperatives of globalisation have aimed to bolster the acceptance of policy changes that support globalisation and transform domestic political economies. There is continuing potential for state activity to have effects--both positive and negative--on the progress of economic globalisation.     

Refugees, repatriation and liberal citizenship

This article considers the meanings attached to refugeehood, repatriation and liberal citizenship in the twentieth century. Refugees are those who have been unjustly expelled from their political community. Their physical displacement is above all symbolic of a deeper political separation from the state and the citizenry. ‘Solving’ refugees’ exile is therefore not a question of halting refugees’ flight and reversing their movement, but requires political action restoring citizenship.All three ‘durable solutions’ developed by the international community in the twentieth century - repatriation, resettlement and local integration - are intended to restore a refugee's access to citizenship, and through citizenship the protection and expression of their fundamental human rights. Yet repatriation poses particular challenges for liberal political thought. The logic of repatriation reinforces the organization of political space into bounded nation-state territories. However, it is the exclusionary consequences of national controls over political membership - and through this of access to citizenship rights - that prompt mass refugee flows. Can a framework for repatriation be developed which balances national state order and liberal citizenship rights?This article argues that using the social contract model to consider the different obligations and pacts between citizens, societies and states can provide a theoretical framework through which the liberal idea of citizenship and national controls on membership can be reconciled.Historical evidence suggests that the connections in practice between ideas of citizenship and repatriation have been far more complex. In particular, debate between Western liberal and Soviet authoritarian/collectivist understandings of the relationship between citizen and state played a key role in shaping the refugee protection regime that emerged after World War II and remains in place today. Repatriation - or more accurately liberal resistance to non-voluntary refugee repatriation - became an important tool of Cold War politics and retains an important value for states interested in projecting and reaffirming the primacy of liberal citizenship values. Yet the contradictions in post-Cold War operational use of repatriation to ‘solve’ displacement, and a growing reliance on ‘state-building’ exercises to validate refugees’ returns demonstrates that tension remains between national state interests and the universal distribution of liberal rights, as is particularly evident when considering Western donor states’ contemporary policies on refugees and asylum. For both intellectual and humanitarian reasons there is therefore an urgent need for the political theory underpinning refugee protection to be closely examined, in order that citizenship can be placed at the centre of refugees’ ‘solutions’.     

Post-industrial division of labour as a systemic barrier for immigrants in the Swedish labour market

Differences in labour force participation and unemployment rates between indigenous populations and immigrants are common throughout Europe, but the gap seems to be particularly wide in Sweden. Based on studies of workplaces that traditionally employed large numbers of immigrants, but where they are now declining, it is argued that a driving force behind this process of exclusion is to be found in technological and organisational changes. These changes seem to be more pervasive in the Swedish labour market than in other economies in Europe. What is sometimes called the ‘Swedish model of working life’ has turned into the systemic exclusion of immigrant labour.     

Partisanship,policy entrepreneurs and the market for ideas: what we can learn from policy failure

ABSTRACT

The Office of Living Victoria (OLV), was established in 2011 by the then Liberal-National Party Coalition Government. It was created in response to a water crisis and intended to revolutionise water management and delivery, challenging established authorities and practices consolidated under the previous Labor government in Victoria. There was a decidedly partisan motivation for its conception. The drive for new ideas and innovation created opportunities for policy entrepreneurs who won the competition against more conventional research advocacy, and determined the agenda of the new agency, in the process curbing an existing policy network. Yet within a short period, this initiative was mired in scandal, and ended in 2014 having failed to achieve its purposes. This article explores this instance of policy failure, assessing the policy trajectory of the OLV in relation to the concepts of partisanship, policy entrepreneurship, and policy networks.     

Regional innovation systems and the labour market: A comparison of five regions

This paper reviews the concept of Regional Innovation Systems with particular attention on the labour market dimension. It argues that the labour force as a repository of skills and knowledge plays a key role in generating knowledge flows within Regional Innovation Systems. Then, by reference to a number of important dimensions characterizing innovation, five regions from northern Europe are contrasted. In light of research undertaken by the authors the paper highlights the problems associated with a regional system that may hamper innovation and it shows that Regional Innovation Systems can be underdeveloped by being too dependent on public support. Accordingly a combination of public and private governance at the regional level to promote systemic innovation is advocated. The paper also shows how the Regional Innovation Systems can evolve and how regions can become increasingly developmental knowledge laboratories influencing labour market conditions.     

Feminist epistemology after postmodernism: critiquing science,technology and globalisation

Abstract

This article provides a reasoned overview of contemporary developments within feminist theories of the subject after the decline of postmodernist thought. It stresses the foundational importance of feminist situated epistemology, and hence of a brand of materialism that stresses embodiment and embedded perspectives. The article explores neo-materialist feminist theories in a number of areas, with special emphasis on science and technology studies and critiques of globalisation. It argues that the neo-materialist trend results in a new call for an ethics attuned to the complexity of our era.     

Localized mobility clusters: impacts of labour market externalities on firm performance

This article analyses the impact of labour market-induced externalitieson firm performance by using a unique database that connectsattributes of individuals to workplaces for the entire Swedisheconomy. Based on the analysis of 256,985 workplaces, our resultsshow that firms belonging to networks of local job mobility(i.e. ‘localized mobility clusters’) significantlyoutperform other similar firms within the local labour market.The results also indicate that concentrations of similar andrelated firms do not explain any considerable part of the variationsin firm competitiveness. Labour market externalities derivedvia local job mobility produce significantly more powerful effectsfor the involved firms as compared to the degree of co-location,diversity and scale.     

Female domestic servants as desirable refugees: gender, labour needs and immigration policy in Belgium, The Netherlands and Great Britain

The immigration policies adopted by Western European states during the interwar period were marked by increasing restriction, especially after 1933. One notable exception to this was the relatively generous treatment afforded to women who were prepared to take up employment as domestic servants. This article looks at the reasons behind this anomaly and compares the responses of three states that were in the front line of the refugee efflux from Germany and Eastern Europe in the years leading up to the Second World War.