澳洲华人的中产阶级地位及其参政诉求：2007年大选以来的变化

论文以2007年本尼朗选战为起点,分析了澳洲华人新获得的中产阶级地位及其对政治参与意向的影响,包括2007年大选以来出现在澳洲华人社区的参政、议政诉求,华人参与澳洲政治生活的各种形式以及影响他们参与的若干因素。认为在澳华人已经成为澳洲社会政治和经济生活中一个非常具有活力的组成部分。他们的政治参与程度及其影响力正在显著提高,并且已经成为各方关注的一个重要议题。     

华人移民与美国政治的发展

华人移民参政意识的增强和参政水平的提高是美国政治发展的一个重要因素。以公民选举为基础的分配政治是美国政治的一个主要特征,因此,参与选举是个人、团体取得权力和参与资源分配的主要手段。一个群体所取得的政治资源与该群体的人口数量、参政意识和参政水平直接相关。     

当代加拿大华人精英参政模型分析

论文将当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况概括为五种模型：选举型和委任型、全国型和地方型、象征型和实在型、主流政党型和华人政党型及华人选票型和非华人选票型,并运用这五种参政模型对当代加拿大华人精英的参政情况进行归纳与分析。认为华人精英无论采取何种模型参与加拿大政治,只要能成功进入主流社会,对改善华人在加拿大社会的公共政治形象,提高他们的社会政治地位和维护他们的合法权利都十分有益,对华裔新生代未来参与政治的热情也是一个激励。     

论马来西亚华人政治

华人参政是二战后海外华人发展史进入一个新时期的特点,是海外华人经历三大变化的必然结果：一是华人落地生根观念已根深蒂固,认同所在国为新祖国的必然结果;二是华人抛弃重经济轻政治的传统观念,认识通过参政来保障本民族正当权益的必然结果;三是华人经济实力增强和社会地位提高的必然结果。离开这一条件谈不上参政。参政表明海外华人的公民自觉意识已完全确立,即意识到同所在国人民有同等的公民权利,并尽公民义务。这种意识的确立,使华人关注当地政局,参与当地政治,以国家安危为己任,为之效忠。参政使华人同所在国命运更加紧密…     

从制度视角看马来西亚华人的参政空间

华人参政是华人维护自身政治、经济利益的必经之路。基于马来西亚历史一文化传统的主要制度结构从根本上影响和制约着华人参政的广度和深度。本文从新制度主义政治学的视角对马来西亚影响、制约华人参政的主要制度进行了剖析,由此揭示了华人在马来西亚的参政空间。作者认为,华人的政治参与是一个非常复杂的问题,制度的视角或许并不能解释该问题的全部,但制度的性质从根本上决定着华人参政的前景和命运。     

欧洲的华人社团与劳力和技能市场(1980-2000)

本文在访问65位华人移民的基础上,分析了华人移民欧洲的拉力因素、华人移民的性质、华人移民的族群经济以及华人社团在协调华人移民内部力量和促进华人融入主流社会等方面所发挥的重要作用.     

加拿大华人和印度人政治参与比较研究 ——以近两次联邦大选为例

论文梳理了加拿大华人和印度人政治地位的变迁历程,以2015年和2019年两次联邦大选为观察对象,比较分析了加拿大的华人和印度人在选举参与和政治融入方面的状况。研究发现,加拿大的华人和印度人的参政状况都有明显改善,在最近两次大选中取得可喜成果,这与移民教育程度和社会经济地位的提升密切相关。比较而言,华人的政治代表水平、政治融入程度和政治影响力与印度人存在较大差距。族群的政治社会化水平是导致两者参政效果差异的核心变量。华人缺乏熟谙选举规则和竞选话语策略的政治精英、高效动员力和宗教凝聚力的族裔组织、较强政治效能感的族群成员以及对政治形势的准确把握和运用,这些因素制约着华人有效参与加拿大政治活动。     

《当代美国华人政治参与研究(1965-2012)》出版

正华南师范大学政治与行政学院政治学系教授万晓宏博士的新著《当代美国华人政治参与研究(1965-2012)》已于2013年11月由暨南大学出版社出版,全书共分五章38万余字。该书分别介绍了1965年以前美国华人政治参与的方式、影响当代美国华人政治参与的因素、当代美国华人精英的政治参与、当代美国华人参政团体的政治参与、当代美国华人政治参与方式的多元化等内容。由于美国是一个以欧裔白人占主导地位的典型移民国家,华人在美国是众多少     

澳籍华人领袖刘光福

在澳大利亚,尤其是在悉尼,许多华人和澳洲人都熟悉和敬仰著名华人领袖刘光福(William Liu,1893—1983)。他那将近一个世纪的传奇式生涯,是近代澳洲华人移民史的一个缩影,而他为争取各族移民平等、促进澳中友好以及跟随时代前进的精神,又从一个侧面反映了澳洲华人的共同特点。     

当代美国华人的非选举政治参与——以2013年全美华人抗议“ABC辱华言论”为例

论文从美国华人政治参与的理论视角,以2013年全美华人抗议美国广播公司(ABC)辱华言论的行动案例,就非选举政治参与方式对当代美国华人政治参与的有效性和必要性进行了探讨.认为当代美国华人参与非选举政治的主要方式有个人接触、游说、法律诉讼、抵制、不合作、加入参政团体、利用大众媒体进行政治表达、游行、示威、抗议和请愿等,具有发起时间短、行动见效快等特点.这些参政方式能增强美国华人的凝聚力,提升他们的族裔意识、维权意识和参政意识,与他们参与选举政治形成互补.未来美国华人参政应该继续走多元化道路,在积极参与选举政治的同时,重视非选举政治参与,以影响美国各级政府决策和社区公益再分配,反对种族歧视,维护和增进在美华人的合法权益与尊严,提高华人参政的有效性,防止辱华、反华和排华的事件重演.     

Applying Habermas to Australian political culture

This article seeks to explore some problems in Jurgen Habermas's account of political norms and values in Western society. Using examples from Australian political discourse, it is argued that Habermas has neglected to analyse some of the ways in which political consensus can be generated in Western society. In particular, he has failed to acknowledge adequately the role played by liberal norms and values in attempts to reconcile conflicts between the individual and general interest While Habermas has made important contributions to social theory, such deficiencies limit his usefulness for Australian political scientists who wish to analyse some crucial aspects of Australian political culture.     

Mungiki,Vernacular Organization and Political Society in Kenya

This article uses the concept of ‘political society’ as unfolded by the ‘subaltern studies’ in India to shed new light on present‐day political actors and democratic transitions in Africa. It discusses the political practices and discursive terrains of organizations within ‘really existing’ civil society that are based on identities and regarded as outside legitimate civil society. It looks at politics from below, taking the example of the 2007 elections in Kenya, and the role of Mungiki, an organization characterized by the intersection of class, generation, religion and ethnicity. Mungiki builds on Kenya's history and rich archive of indigenous popular culture. It originated in the early 1990s’ turmoil of ‘ethnic clashes’ and population displacement and now operates in rural and poor urban areas, providing income opportunities, service delivery and extortion/protection. During elections, sections of Mungiki have been recruited by political leaders and functioned as violent militia; concurrently, it seeks representation in formal and parliamentary politics. The organization is distinct from ‘respectable’ segments of Kenya's civil society who participate in NGO activities and mainstream churches. The article ends by calling for an inclusive and non‐normative approach to the study of state–civil society engagement that recognizes culturally based discourses and organizations when analysing the transitions to and the broadening of democracy in post‐colonial societies.     

Australian Foreign Policy under the Abbott Government: Foreign Policy as Domestic Politics?

While foreign policy featured prominently on the Australian political agenda in late 2014, the manner of Australia's engagement with the world challenges the idea of a ‘pivot’ from domestic politics to foreign policy. In particular, the government demonstrated a tendency to prioritise domestic political considerations, in particular public opinion, in its dealings with the outside world. This was evident across a range of issue areas: from the ‘internationalist’ agenda of asylum, climate change and aid to more traditional concerns such as bilateral relations with Indonesia and international security. This article explores these dynamics and asks what implications this has for both Australian foreign policy and theoretical accounts of the role and desirability of public engagement with foreign policy in international relations thought.     

从边缘走向主流——新移民与北美华人经济发展新动向

论文在实地调研的基础上,从北美华人移民来源地、移民数量、唐人街形态变化,特别是唐人街之间的城际长途巴士的发展等方面,揭示了北美华人经济的新动向,并从经济学角度进行阐释。认为近二十年来,新移民的持续增长为北美华人社会注入源头活水;唐人街的发展瓶颈被突破,出现了新的族群经济形态,如复合商城华埠（Mall Chinatown）等在各地涌现;华人利用族群特色寻求经营创新,华人大巴在短短十余年间开创了新的城际交通服务体系,改变了原有的行业格局,进而从边缘走向主流并影响主流。此外,北美华人科技产业利用大洋两岸各自的比较优势在跨国经营中逐渐兴起。新移民与中国因素、族群特色与经营创新,成为北美华人经济的活力之源。     

Beyond the Washington Consensus? Asia and Latin America in search of more autonomous development

International economic power (the ability to shape rules of global economic conduct) needs to be understood in terms of the interactions between rule‐makers and rule‐takers in the global economy. Attempts to reshape development paradigms through interventions during financial crisis have been highly significant for the domestic political economy of the developing world. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the primary question was how much countries would liberalize in response to financial crisis. Reactions to the crises of the late 1990s in Asia and Latin America were more varied. This article explores domestic political responses to crises in both regions in the 1980s and late 1990s. It argues that countries are finding it increasingly difficult to trump domestic political pressure for change with arguments about technocratic necessity. Popular pressure is pushing governments into new experiments in economic nationalism, not a radical rejection of global economic integration, but a reshaping of relationships in an attempt to secure national interests and, in some cases, to devote more resources to welfare. Experiments to date are modest, but could presage more significant change in the future.     

The Failure of Citizens’s Initiated Referenda Proposals in Australia: New Directions for Popular Participation?

Australia has been a leading proponent of direct democracy since the turn of the century because of the provision for referenda in the Australian Constitution. However, the experiment has progressed little further. Bills for citizens’s initiated referenda have been introduced across the Australian parliaments. Not one has been passed, despite the concept being supported at different times by all sides of politics. This article examines why these proposals have failed. It also evaluates other means of reinvigorating popular participation. Widespread disillusionment with the political system indicates that there is a genuine need to increase community involvement in the political process.     

Loyal to the Crown: shifting public opinion towards the monarchy in Australia

Over the past half century, the Australian public has remained divided on the issue of whether Australia should retain the monarchy or become a republic. Clive Bean found that there had been remarkable stability on the issue and evidence of a long-term trend away from support for the monarchy with a sudden decline in 1992. This article adopts Bean's longitudinal cross-sectional methods to examine the social and political basis of public attitudes. This article analyses the Australian Election Study (1993–2013) to compare Bean's results and re-analyse earlier data from the National Social Science Surveys and Australian National Political Attitudes surveys (1967–90). Public opinion has been fluid and is now at a crossroads between the 1980s high and the 1990s lows. Cohort analysis suggests socialisation impacts long-term opinions. Gender and ethnic nationalism also influences opinion.