皇史宬尊藏《清实录》考

本文探讨了清代国家档案馆——皇史宬的建筑环境、管理机构和内部结构的变化情况;对于清代皇史宬收藏对象的重要性也做了比较,认为皇史宬虽然贮藏多种皇家文献和文物,但最主要的尊藏对象便是《清实录》;并从版本比较和历史事实的角度,证明皇史宬尊藏的《清实录》是所有版本中最重要、最具有保藏性的正本。本文试图说明皇史宬与《清实录》相互彰显的密切关系。     

Maintaining Centralized Control in Community‐based Forestry: Policy Construction in the Philippines

Community‐based forestry management is emerging as an important component of forest policies in the developing world. Using the Philippines as a case‐study, this article critically examines the way in which community‐based forestry is constructed and understood among government policy makers. The author suggests that the new policy discourse of community‐based forestry policy in the Philippines is still shaped by efforts to maintain centralized control over forest management and a political economy orientated towards commercial timber production using the principles of ‘scientific management’. While timber production and the technical aspects of forest management are emphasized, social and environmental considerations remain neglected.     

His Majesty's Agents: The British Consul at Tripoli, 1795–1832

This article will challenge the currently accepted notions of weak British consular presence, influence and activity in the southern Mediterranean during the period 1795–1832 through a case study of the careers of three successive consuls in the Regency of Tripoli: Simon Lucas, William Wass Langford and Hanmer Warrington. Utilising the official correspondence of these agents, the extent of the consular bridgehead in the capital, Tripoli, will be investigated, and how, through these consular and diplomatic agents, it served to define imperial interests and activity at the frontiers of empire. Moreover, the overlapping personal and professional networks within which the consuls embedded themselves, the role of enterprising missions and the development of an intelligence-gathering network will be of central significance in understanding the consequent ruptures in the social and political fabric of the Regency of Tripoli. British imperial interest in North Africa during and immediately post the Napoleonic era remains under-studied and misunderstood within both British diplomatic and imperial history. This article challenges the existing literature that underestimates the diplomatic as well as consular power exercised by the British consuls to Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, as well as the importance of these three Barbary regencies to wider strategic interests in the Mediterranean.     

Port cities and hinterlands: A comparative study of Singapore and Calcutta

This paper analyses the evolution of Singapore and Calcutta from colonial port cities to a post-colonial city-state and a city within a state, respectively. It will examine how the historical trajectories of these cities were determined and complicated by their maritime character and evolving relations with their respective hinterlands. Singapore had a fluid (literally and metaphorically) hinterland and its economic, social and cultural orientations were defined by the maritime trade that it conducted and the networks that were developed as a result of its commercial activities. The modern state of Singapore, which embraces the world as its ‘hinterland’, remains in essence a port city – subjected to global flows, multi-cultural influences and fully integrated with and dependent on regional and global commercial networks. Calcutta's position as port city, too, grew out of empire and imperial trade, but unlike Singapore, it had a clearly defined and dominant hinterland – Bengal. Its identity as a Bengali city is therefore unmistakable and it clearly shares in the strengths and weaknesses of its immediate social, economic and political hinterland, especially in its post-colonial incarnation, when it shifted from being an imperial city to a regional city.     

Reformation in the Far North: Cumbria and the Church, 1500–1571

Abstract

In the early industrial period, financial and professional services were mainly accommodated within residential premises. Centrally located houses became increasingly given over to office use. Eventually, converted parlours and bedrooms proved inadequate and enterprises started to commission specially designed premises: the era of purpose-built offices eventually arrived, brought about by a combination of growing commercial wealth, institutional reform, residential suburbanisation and acceptance of new fashions in the use of architecture. This study of the emergence of the office district of Leeds illustrates the transformation of urban space in the early industrial era. New light is cast on the relationship between the growth of office uses and the process of suburbanisation, and there is a detailed analysis and mapping of the transformation of particular streets and of the role played by individual professions. The paper covers the era up to 1861 when the purpose-built office era can be said to have become established in Leeds.     

‘Brushing up your empire’: Dominion and colonial propaganda on the BBC's home services, 1939–45

The paper will investigate the growing importance in the late nineteenth century of civic identity in helping nurture a sense of ‘local patriotism’ during an imperial crisis. In doing so it will challenge recent studies that suggest working-class patriotism was a ‘top-down phenomenon’ or simply a devotion to nationhood and empire cultivated by state institutions and imperialist mass commercial leisure. This study will adopt a more nuanced approach and argue that working-class patriotism characteristically prioritised local identity over the national. In contrasting three English communities during the Boer War, it will be argued that, by the end of the nineteenth century, changes in the local press, the development of civic identity and a growth of a popular local patriotism became fused, at key moments, with grand imperial adventures. Viewed within this context, the great desire to celebrate the volunteers was not so much an example of successful state hegemony but more an amplification of local patriotism within an imperial setting.     

Rewriting Merovingian history in the tenth century: Aimoin of Fleury's Gesta Francorum

Aimoin of Fleury's Gesta Francorum has mostly been ignored apart from its importance as a source for the Grandes Chroniques de France. Aimoin's editorial techniques in reworking his Merovingian‐era sources deserve more attention, however. Through a process of selective editing, strategic silence, and rhetorical invention he compiled a history that would appeal to its probable target audience, King Robert II of West Francia. The most noteworthy changes wrought by Aimoin are the assignment of a divinely appointed imperial and evangelizing mission to the Franks and the transformation of Clovis into an exemplary Christian king.     

“Talk & talk & talk”: Virginia Woolf's responses to Ireland

The complexity of Virginia Woolf's relationships with Empire can be illustrated by considering her responses to Ireland. Woolf's relationship with Ireland and Irish writers has received only cursory attention. Those critics who have addressed the topic have assumed that she responded positively to her experience of Irish “talk” on her holiday in Ireland in 1934. However, her response on that holiday reveals some underlying imperial presumptions and a sense of Ireland as stereotypically a land of “talk, talk, talk”. Indeed, this is in keeping with her responses to a wide range of Irish writers over many years (most notably, it chimes with her reading of Ulysses). This essay brings together for the first time Woolf's comments on Ireland and Irish writers, from her diaries, letters, essays and reviews, in order to show that she consistently characterised them as loquacious. Ireland was thus merely a subject of talk, a “question” that could only by discussed, and then only in stereotypical and liberalist terms. Further, Woolf associated talk with looseness and bad writing, and sought to maintain a mode of semi-privacy, apart from the “talk” that went on around her.     

Imperial Legacies and Internationalist Discourses: British Involvement in the United Nations Freedom from Hunger Campaign, 1960–70

Between 1960 and 1965, the British public raised almost seven million pounds to support the Freedom from Hunger Campaign (FFHC), a United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization initiative that funded agricultural development projects across the underdeveloped world in an effort to ‘help the hungry to help themselves’. With the involvement of more than 100 countries and affiliated NGOs, the FFHC was by a considerable margin the largest humanitarian effort of its time, but it also forms part of a specifically British story about imperial benevolence and imperial decline. This article uses the British public's support for the campaign as a window onto the changing experience of British humanitarianism during an era of decolonisation. Did the British public's moral geography change as they lost their empire? Was there a role for the empire/commonwealth within the framework of an international campaign such as Freedom from Hunger? Which imperial legacies remained intact in the FFHC, which were adapted and which discarded?     

The Earth of the Modern

One of the central questions in comparative studies of colonialism is what makes more recent variants of imperial extension so culturally distinctive, aside from the more obvious political-economic dimensions? This set of papers focuses on how European and Euro-American promulgated variants of colonialism can be viewed as embodying central tenets of modernism, such as progressivism, technocentrism, and hybridity. Moreover, the authors demonstrate how colonial practices in the era of the modern were not merely the result of policies emanating from imperial capitals, but were an outgrowth of conflict, mediation, and accommodation between colonizer and colonized. Thus, archaeological research is important for stressing that the past five centuries have seen a time of contested modernities, rather than the growth of ‘a’ modernist sensibility.     

Imagining the borderlands: managing (to prolong) conflict in Tibet

The current phase of political conflict in Tibet began with pro‐independence protests in the late 1980s and saw a significant surge of unrest in 2008. But that unrest was not continuous and for much of the last 25 years was at a low level of intensity. Yet the Chinese authorities have categorised the situation in Tibet as a ‘life‐and‐death struggle’ against pro‐independence forces throughout this period. This paper notes earlier debates in Chinese history about political strategies for managing borderland peoples, including late imperial era attempts by Chinese officials to forcibly change Tibetan culture that provoked rather than assuaged conflict. It suggests that this happened again in the 1990s when a group of Chinese officials proposed policies that sought directly to change core cultural practices among Tibetans. These policies of selective cultural intervention, unprecedented in the post‐Mao era in Tibet, fuelled long‐term resentment, leading to the violence and unrest of 2008. The paper argues that these policies were inseparable from the institutional interests of the agency within the Chinese Communist Party, the United Front, which had promoted them, to the extent that its status and influence within the state bureaucracy depended on it preventing them from being challenged or reversed. It made cultural intervention in Tibet seem normative to the Chinese policy elite by invoking three interlocked imaginings about ways of managing borderland peoples – the perception of perpetual war, Han expertise at borderland management, and latent threat within borderland cultures. That these have led to the prolonging of conflict in Tibet for over a quarter‐century is a reminder of the importance of considering institutional dynamics in the analysis of ethnic conflict.     

企业经营与伦理道德--论稻盛和夫经营哲学中的伦理观

在企业经营活动中,经济行为与伦理道德可以并存,还是难以两立,一直是学术界争议的话题。日本著名企业家稻盛和夫强调说,企业经营者必须有可以作为判断基准的哲学。坚持把“为人何谓正确”作为判断基准,不断追求正义、公正,是稻盛和夫经营哲学的核心,也是他的道德观和伦理观的充分体现。但是,做人的道德准则和企业经营的原则,特别是“利他”的道德观和企业追求利润的经营目标是否真的存在矛盾、冲突?应该如何协调、处理二者之间的关系?本文将通过对稻盛和夫经营实践中若干实例的分析,尝试对此做出回答。     

Empires ancient and modern: strength,modernity and power in imperial ideology from the Liberal period to Fascism

This article examines the image of Empire developed in public discourse in Italy during the late Liberal period and Fascism by placing it in the context of representations of the British Empire, with which Italian imperial ambitions were compared. There is a continuity in seeing the British Empire as the expression of industrial and commercial modernity and its resultant strength, but what in the Liberal period was seen as an unparalleled superiority became under Fascism a supremacy acquired in a particular period but now exhibiting signs of decline, which Fascism should contest and surpass. Admiration of the British was mixed with disparagement: key figures expressed a competitive resentment towards Britain and its dominant international position, seeing it as the epitome of ‘modern’ imperial power against which Fascism was destined to be measured. In the 1930s signs of the British Empire's decline were sought, developing the idea in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that British domination would also rise and fall, and announcing the replacement of the ‘British order’, founded on commercial modernity and the strength of money and capital, by Fascism's new civilisation, with its authentic heritage of imperial romanità. This competitiveness towards Britain, which historiography has principally seen as a component of foreign policy (as was clear over Ethiopia), has additional significance when seen as an element of political culture that relates to the concept of the State. The autonomy and strength of the State were an important feature of Fascism's self-representation and of its legal culture, and in this light the possession of an empire came to be seen as an essential aspect of statehood and power.     

圆明园新证——麴院风荷考

麴院风荷是圆明园四十景之一,也是乾隆南巡以前出现在圆明园中的西湖十景的代表作。作为九州与福海两大复合景区之间的过渡,因植物景观数典余杭麴院风荷而得名,实际是一处融合了多重意境和主题,因时、因地制宜的再创作。其理景造境与中国古代哲学理论述而不作,信而好古、温故知新等一脉相承,与当代西方哲学思潮——解释学之间也有相通、相近之处,是乾隆初年圆明园江南题材风景创作的突出典例。     

The Market, Marx and Sustainability in a Fishery

A management system of individual transferable quotas was introduced in the Tasmanian commercial rock lobster fishery in 1998. The market for quota units has since become increasingly capitalised. Fishers without substantial wealth find it difficult to participate in this market. Instead, investors purchase quota units. Consequently, fishery managers are somewhat disillusioned with the hidden hand of the market and are seeking a different way to conceptualise what is happening in the fishery. Marx's writings on the hidden abode of production suggest one such way. I bring Marx's work together with quota management and the views of participants as an alternative way of framing these changes in the fishery.     

The Architects of Integration: Research,Public Policy,and the Institute of Race Relations in Post-imperial Britain

ABSTRACT

This article traces the evolution of the field of race relations by exploring the thinking of Philip Mason, a former agent of the Indian Civil Service who built a second career as the elder statesman of this emerging discipline in Britain. Mason led the well-funded Institute of Race Relations, an independent organisation that brought together academics, public policy analysts, and journalists to address concerns about the integration of black and Asian migrants in Britain from the 1950s. Mason brought his imperial expertise to bear on the new discipline, and imagined the new subject in light of a wide range of shifting international concerns: imperial race relations, the decline of the British Empire, the Cold War, and the persistence of racially-divided states like South Africa and the United States. To address these anxieties, race relations experts suggested that race relations studies should be comparative across several different imperial and post-colonial locales, building towards a master project that would provide suggestions on mollifying racial tensions across the globe. Using the United States as a key referent, Mason and others ushered in a transitional era, moving the discipline from a paternalistic and superior approach to formerly colonised subjects to articulations of liberal inclusion and cultural integration. Tracing the life of the Institute, and Mason's influence on policy and subsequent anti-racist organisations, reveals how the early assumptions of the field positioned Britain's integration problem as temporary, indeterminate, and aided by the imperial, post-imperial, and transatlantic similarities they examined.     

’When Men Are Weak‘: The Imperial Feminism of Frieda von Bülow

Frieda von Bülow was a colonialist woman author and activist who also engaged the bourgeois women's movement of pre-First World War Germany. She is of interest to scholars of German colonialism, racial thought, feminism, and women's literature. This article interprets her life experiences, including travel to German East Africa (mainland Tanzania) and her affair with Carl Peters, together with her feminist non-fiction and anti-feminist fiction, to argue that she developed an imperial feminism in which German women's emancipation was predicated on the subordination of racialised ‘others’.     

The Imperial War Relief Fund and the All British Appeal: Commonwealth,Conflict and Conservatism within the British Humanitarian Movement, 1920–25

This article explores the intersection of internationalist and imperial humanitarian ideals in the aftermath of the First World War via a case study of a hitherto overlooked humanitarian organisation—the Imperial War Relief Fund. In an era of increased international collaboration between humanitarian organisations, the Imperial War Relief Fund instead promoted an imperial approach, seeking to unite the ‘efforts of the dominions and mother country’ for the relief of Europeans suffering the effects of the First World War. The Fund was enthusiastically supported in Britain by a number of leading conservative public figures, who hoped that an empire-wide humanitarian campaign might guard against imperial disintegration and reverse Britain's perceived loss of prestige in the postwar order. Despite its initial successes, the Imperial Fund was subsequently usurped by British humanitarian organisations which were more internationalist in their outlook and rhetoric, most significantly the Save the Children Fund. This did not represent, however, a straightforward displacement of imperial co-ordination in favour of more internationally focused humanitarian action. Rather, the Save the Children Fund was able to draw support away from the Imperial Fund only by echoing its imperial rhetoric. This article argues, therefore, that, while the Imperial Fund was a relatively short-lived venture, its lasting legacy was to ensure that the British humanitarian movement was a space in which notions of Britain's imperial status, and its concomitant duties, would survive within an humanitarian landscape in which internationalist ideals were increasingly prevalent.     

Was All Irish Politics Local? The Portarlington Election of 1832 and the Structure of Politics in 19th‐Century Ireland

Historians have often characterised 19th‐century Irish elections as insular, inward‐looking affairs. This article, however, offers a reconsideration of the role played by national and imperial events in Irish elections through a close analysis of the Portarlington contest of 1832. While acknowledging the importance of local concerns in the campaign, it argues that the Portarlington election cannot be understood in exclusively parochial terms. Candidates, voters, and opinion‐makers all situated the contest in national and imperial, as well as provincial, contexts, and they behaved as if larger political issues might affect the ultimate outcome of the campaign. An examination of the election suggests that the dichotomy between the local and the national, while analytically useful, can also be misleading: the Portarlington contest exhibited a complex interplay between local, national, and imperial affairs. This article concludes, consequently, that national and imperial issues were integrated into the structure of Irish politics after the Reform Act of 1832.     

The appropriation of the Phoenicians in British imperial ideology

The Phoenicians played ambivalent roles in Western historical imagination. One such role was as a valued predecessor and prototype for the industrial and maritime enterprise of nineteenth‐century imperial Britain. Explicit parallels were drawn in historical representations and more popular culture. It was widely believed that the Phoenicians had been present in Britain, especially in Cornwall, despite a lack of convincing historical evidence, and much importance was placed on supposed archaeological evidence. Ideological tensions arose from the need to reconcile ancient and modern Britain, and from the Semitic origin of the Phoenicians. This example shows the power of archaeological objects to provide material support for national and imperial constructions of the past.