International cooperation and the inclusion of persons with disabilities: the Italian system

Two key themes emerging from recent studies on disability are the shift in the conception of persons with disabilities, expressed in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), from objects to subjects of policies concerning them and the recognition of the close interconnections between disability and poverty. Both themes have clear implications for international development cooperation. It is essential that the high number of persons with disabilities in developing countries is recognised and that the programmes implemented by non-governmental organisations (NGOs), including those in emergencies and disasters, are made fully inclusive of them. Community-based rehabilitation (CBR) programmes are important in achieving inclusiveness and fulfilling the rights of persons with disabilities. Italian NGOs such as AIFO (Associazione Italiana Amici di Raoul Follereau) have played an important role in helping launch CBR, most notably in Mongolia. Two sets of research data published in 2008 have measured the impact of Italian action on disability in international development cooperation. The reports on the one hand reveal inadequate levels of funding in general, and funding by banks and private companies in particular, and insufficient involvement of disabled persons' organisations, but on the other suggest that Italy's domestic experience of advanced disability legislation can be productively applied in international contexts to include and empower persons with disabilities.     

Models of disability,ideas of justice,and the challenge of full participation

The definitions of disability adopted in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) necessitate an important change in the way disability is assessed and introduce a new idea of justice in relation to persons with disabilities. The article starts by reviewing the various ‘models of disability’ prevailing in the past and the respective ideas of justice underlying them. The charity model, for instance, was rooted in ideas of divine justice and human beneficence, where care for the disabled led in practice to their being segregated from the rest of society, while the medical model saw justice in terms of treatments or compensations for individual pathologies rather than of positive enablement for active living. The CRPD overturns these models and the related conceptions of justice by emphasising society's obligations towards persons with disabilities and, above all, their human right to full inclusion and participation in society. The key concepts are empowerment and capability. In Italy these concepts and this new conception of justice have started to be applied by the Osservatorio nazionale sulla condizione delle persone con disabilità, the body created to monitor the effective application of the CRPD in Italy, and they are included in the two-year action programme on disability, approved by the Italian government in October 2013.     

Disability and work inclusion in Italy: between unfulfilled promises and new disability culture

This article outlines the existing provisions in Italy for inclusion in workplaces for persons with disabilities. It reports available statistics on the numbers of persons with disabilities in paid employment by sector, those seeking work and drawing pensions and those employed according to educational qualification. It considers the different channels, both formal and informal, through which persons with disabilities are able to gain access to paid employment and the concrete effects of Law 68/1999 on access to work and collocamento mirato (targeted work placement). One of the problems with the Italian legislation on compulsory work placement of disabled persons is that it applies only to employers who have at least 15 employees, whereas the vast majority of employers in Italy have fewer than 10. Lastly, the article reflects on the current situation and the challenges posed by new ways of conceiving of disability and of work. Work needs to be understood not simply as an occupation or position for which one receives payment but as a set of social relations between people, which has value in itself.     

Effect of a Disability Course on Prospective Educators' Attitudes Toward Individuals with Mental Retardation

Prospective educators who completed a course about social work with disabilities were participants in a study that investigated whether attitudes toward individuals with mental retardation (MR) would be enhanced by the information provided in the course. The quasi‐experimental design of the study involved a control group together with a pretest and a posttest, and several demographic and experiential variables. The study used a version of the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised that Kandari and Salih (in press) adapted for the Kuwaiti culture. Results revealed that the course did not influence students' attitudes toward individuals with MR. The authors discussed the findings in relation to determining the changes needed in the course's curriculum and evaluating the information provided for prospective educators in order for them to support the integration of individuals with MR into mainstream society. Throughout history, society's attitude towards individuals with Mental Retardation (MR) has been predominantly negative. Society has created an ‘out‐group’ of people who may be seen as less than human because they are disadvantaged in terms of some abilities and characteristics such as intelligence, self‐consciousness, and the ability to have human relationship that the majority of its citizens possess. The history of segregation of individuals with MR has reinforced this notion by adopting the term ‘handicap’ or ‘disability,’ which signifies the presence of an inherent difference between them and other people. Such segregation can negate the fact that one is a human being; depriving him\her of enjoying the benefits afforded to those without disabilities (Philip, 1992). Smith (1981) provides an example of the danger of society's beliefs about individuals with MR as being less than human. He brings to attention that fetuses with Downs syndrome are usually aborted because, when they are born, they would not meet certain minimum requirements for being human. They would be severely mentally retarded and uneducable, and would thus be a burden on their families and society. The danger of such beliefs is that individuals with MR may begin to internalize these inaccurate assumptions and thus tend to fulfill the society's expectations (Phillip, 1992). Over the last few decades, a strong movement in special education and related human services fields toward ‘normalization’ has given people with MR more opportunities to participate in various activities with people without disabilities. Changes in the provision of services to persons with disabilities have focused on increased inclusion in educational, employment, and social arenas (Antonak & Livneh, 1988). However, barriers, including the attitudes of educators, employers, co‐workers, and others, still stand between persons with MR and full inclusion (Geskie & Salesk, 1988). In Kuwait, the law of the disabled (13\96) assures the right of persons with disabilities to be included in different settings (e.g., schools, workplace, social activities, and wider community). Although Kuwaiti government has shown growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitudes of others (e.g. students, prospective educators, teachers, co‐workers, social workers, professionals) toward them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (e.g. Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are for the most part negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000, Special Olympics, 2003). For example, Parent, Hill and Wehman (1989) found that non‐disabled co‐workers focused on the disabled personal characteristics rather than specific job competencies. The impact of these negative attitudes may have significant consequences for both social and vocational lives of persons with MR. Mest (1988) have found that negative attitude leads to self‐isolation of persons with MR. Rusch, Hughes, Johnson and Minch (1991) found that stigma negatively affected social relationships between workers with MR and their peers without MR. As literature has shown, the provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with disabilities can be legislated, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured. Experts agree that complete integration and acceptance of individuals with disabilities might happen following long‐term changes in attitudes (Beattie, Anderson & Antonak, 1997). According to Langer's (1989) theory of ‘mindfulness’, changing people's attitude depends on providing enough information relevant to the problem of interest. People change their understanding of concepts based on their becoming mindful of them. Taba (1966) suggests that concepts' formation involves three stages: (1) Identifying information relevant to a problem, (2) grouping information on the basis of some similarity, and (3) developing categories and labels for the groups (Taba, 1966). With regard to MR, people might change their attitudes if they are encouraged to identify the construct of MR and then group subsequent information with enough details to form groups of categories without simply stereotyping. This is because people usually stereotype others and judge them without enough information and reflection (Langer, 1989). Thus, only continued mindfulness toward individuals with MR can eliminate stereotypical thinking and lead to their acceptance as fellow human beings in various settings. Gordon, Feldman, Tantillo, and Perrone (2004) suggested that greater awareness of disability issues results in improving social attitudes about disabilities and helps in removing attitudinal barriers. Henry, Keys, Balcazar, and Jopp (1996) also found evidence that training in inclusion philosophy increases awareness associated with positive inclusion's attitudes among staff members who work in mental disability settings, when compared to general population. There is some evidence showing that as they gain more information about individuals with MR and their conditions, their attitudes become more positive (Lawrence, Glidden & M‐Jobe, 2006; Sadek & Sadek, 2000). Conaster and Block (2001) found that instructors who taught aquatics classes to students with disabilities felt able to handle their academic coursework and experiences during the academic year. Teachers who felt competent had also more favorable beliefs and positive attitudes toward individuals with disabilities. In a related finding, Irish physical educators showed significant positive attitudes related to their previous experiences in teaching students with mild‐moderate MR (Meegan & Macphail, 2006). Folsom‐Meek and Rizzo (2002) claimed that educational preparation helps to enhance attitudes toward working with individuals with disabilities. Castoria (1986) found that understanding of the intent and concept of mainstreaming, and adequate‐to‐good training emerged as positive factors that influenced elementary and junior high school teachers' attitudes toward youngsters with special‐needs. Based on the above arguments, perceptions and attitudes of prospective educators can be enhanced by the provision of appropriate coursework related to disabilities. Otherwise, prospective educators would continue, like many people, to believe that individuals with MR are not capable of dealing with the everyday facets of life (Hunt, 2004). More seriously, educators may feel uncomfortable dealing with students with MR who happen to enroll in their classes. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling ‘uncomfortable’ when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling ‘uneasy’ in the presence of people with disabilities. The coursework would thus help to increase prospective educators' willingness to work with individuals with MR, interact with them, and support their integration into society (Horne, 1985). Lack of interest and negative attitudes on the part of prospective educators may directly influence their abilities to interact with individuals with MR in a disability‐related job (Schlachter & Duckitt, 2002). Hatton, Emerson, Rivers, Mason, Swarbrick and Mason (2001) claimed that lack of interest in MR by staff members (e.g., social workers, counselors) usually discourages them from dealing with individuals with MR, and may result in their leaving the job. Although researchers (e.g. Hatton, Emerson, Rivers, Mason, Swarbrick and Mason, 2001; Larson and Lakin, 1999) found that low salary and high job stress can lead staff members to leave their jobs, Osborne and Williams (1982) indicated that lack of interest in MR was the major reason of leaving the job among social workers. Providing coursework related to disabilities increases prospective educators' awareness of disability. Gaining this awareness, they can identify and counter inequality of opportunities for individuals with MR, inaccessibility of resources, and other environmental influences that add to their powerlessness. Prospective educators usually play an active role in social change and in changing public opinion. The awareness of the disability would help them to change society's response to persons with MR, as it is affected less by public policy and more by the prevailing societal attitudes. Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) suggested that increasing people's awareness of individuals with disabilities would present them as having worth and value as human beings no matter how they may differ from what society considered the “norm”. Prospective educators need to become aware of handicapist language, stereotypes, and prejudices that exist in literature so that they might better promote understanding and appreciation of people with disabilities. A course dealing with disabilities would be helpful for educators to encourage understanding by accurately and respectfully portraying well‐adjusted and productive individuals with MR, due to the fact that most literature presents and reinforces prejudicial and stereotypical images of characters with MR (Catlett, Martin, and Craig, 1993; Marsh, 2003). As part of the graduation requirements, Kuwait University requires prospective educators in the Social Work Department to take courses that focus on provision of educational, social and health services to special needs groups, such as the Social Work With Disabilities (SWWD) course which has two broad goals: (a) To increase prospective educators' knowledge of individuals with disabilities, and (b) to improve prospective educators' skills to deal with individuals with disabilities in the jobsites. These goals are accomplished through a combination of presenting information, guest speakers and direct contact with the instructor. Although the course deals with different types of disabilities (learning disabilities, MR, behavior and emotional disorders, and physical disability), the present study focuses on MR and students' attitudes toward them. In a study of Ahmad (2004) in Kuwait, findings showed that 40% of respondents in 15 workplaces related to mental disabilities reported a shortage of Kuwaiti professionals (social workers, counselors, psychologists) who work with the individuals with MR, and 46.7% of them reported lack of volunteers who are in direct contact with those individuals. Most research on attitudes toward MR in educational settings has focused on assessing attitudes of individuals (e.g., Lyons & Hayes, 1993; Corrigan, Green, Lundin, Kubiak, & Penn, 2001), with little attention given to effective strategies to promote positive attitudes toward individuals with MR. The assessment of attitude of prospective educators and whether it is affected by the SWWD course is important for several reasons. First, as educators, we have the opportunity to evaluate the course with regard to an important learning outcome. This evaluation could lead to a deeper analysis of the students' learning needs, and modification of the course's performance objectives, instructional materials, instructional strategies, and assessment strategies (Miller, 1996). Second, knowing whether the course has an effect on changing students' attitude would thus help professionals and social service providers to know whether educators would have the potential to contribute to or hinder the independence of persons with MR (Antonak & Livneh, 1988). Third, as the service model in Kuwait begins to emphasize the role of persons with MR in designing and requesting services that foster independency, the role of prospective educators in this process is likely to be affected by their attitudes as an intervening variable or variable that might indirectly influences behavior (Miller, 1996). Negative attitudes, as an intervening variable, might not directly cause negative behavior toward individuals with MR, but is likely to affect behavior in an indirect way, and hence affect the opportunity for inclusion in the lives of persons with MR. Attitude can motivate behavior in either a dynamic or directive manner (Miller, 1996). The broad question of the present study was: Would teaching the SWWD course improve prospective educators' attitudes toward individuals with MR? The present study investigated this question by assessing the attitudes of prospective educators (experimental group) toward individuals with MR before and after studying the course. The study also assessed the attitudes of another group of students (control group) who were, at the same time, taking another course. The present study anticipated that the attitudes of prospective educators toward individuals with MR would become positively different, as they gain more information about MR during the course of study. We thus hypothesized that taking the SWWD would improve attitude of a prospective educator toward people with MR.     

Structural boundaries that effect the representation of gender and disability in works of fiction from the United States and United Kingdom

Abstract

Discussions of intellectual disability are found in medical journals, published biographies, and disability research. However, outside the realm of medicine or personal reminiscence intellectual disability struggles for spaces of social, historical, cultural and imaginative representation. This article addresses these struggles for space and specifically focuses on the imagined space of narrative fiction. Being imagined spaces they should easily be able to accommodate people with disability, and yet, very few characters with intellectual disability are represented or more importantly have agency in narrative fiction. Drawing on work from feminist geographies and literary geographies this article addresses the limiting narrative structures that have been used against fictional characters who have a disability and ways authors may move beyond these limitations. Reconciling feminist geographies and literary geographies allows new critical spatial knowledge around disability to emerge. It is not enough to write characters with disabilities into narrative fiction if the structures surrounding them remain limiting and prejudiced. This article discusses the three main limiting structures in narrative fiction: character representation, narrative voice and genre. Looking at narrative fiction through feminist and literary geographies reveals how these limiting structures function as power hierarchies, and importantly, shows how these imposed structures can be subverted and changed.     

Access to the Information Age: Fundamental Decisions in Telecommunications Policy

As federal and state budget sheets show more red than black ink, the private sector is delivering more social services and even protecting rights. The experience of disability rights leaders during the past five years shows that the private sector will accept such obligations as long as the burden is evenly distributed throughout an industry. They will balk if it is not. The task of ensuring access and fairness for people with disabilities in an industry where equal allocation of social responsibility is difficult is illustrated by the continuing effort of disability rights leaders for accessibility to Information Age telecommunications products and services. The effort also highlights a recurring theme in public policy: Does equity mean that all Americans pay a little more so that those with disabilities gain full access, or does it mean that overall rates are kept low while those with special needs use adaptive devices? Each point of view was illustrated in the telecommunications policy debate of the 102nd Congress-and likely will shape that of the 103rd Congress as well.     

Adapting Antonak and Harth's Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory for Kuwait's Culture

The purpose of this research was to adapt Antonak and Harth's (1994) Mental Retardation Attitudes Inventory for the Kuwaiti culture and to investigate its four‐dimensional structure. The study also aimed at identifying a unidimensional subset of items besides examining the quality of the identified items and the overall inventory. The 34 ‐item adapted inventor y was administered to 56 4 college students. Item analysis indicated that 29 items have had good psychometric characteristics. However, the exploratory factor analysis, cross‐correlations of scale and item scores, and correlations among scales did not support the four‐dimensional structure of the adapted inventory. Further, the sample was split into two random halves. A uni‐dimensional subset of 20 items was identified in one sample by iterative factor analyzing the item data and discarding items with small loadings. The other sample was used to cross‐validate uni‐dimensionality of the identified items. Analysis indicated that scores of the 20‐item inventory have high Cronbach coefficient alpha, and high stability and generalizability coefficients. Partial support for the validity of the scores had been ascertained by comparing the scores of male and female students, and by regressing the inventor y scores on indicators of familiarity with individuals with mental retardation. Findings were discussed with reference to Kuwaiti culture. Over the last two decades, inclusion has internationally become a critical part of the reform efforts to improve the delivery of services to individuals with Mental Retardation (MR). This trend focuses on increasing the opportunities for the placement of these individuals in the same social and educational set tings as individuals without MR. The new arrangements for providing services have created challenges to people without disabilities concerning acceptance, integration, and inclusion of individuals with MR into the mainstream of society (Praisner, 2003). Many researchers (e.g. Priestly, 1998; Yazbeck McVilly & Parmenter, 2004) have convincingly argued that these challenges have their roots in the societal norms and values that concurrently developed throughout the unfolding history of the meaning of MR. As Priestly (1998) noted, although people with differences have existed in all societies, the degree to which they were integrated or excluded varied according to predominant cultural perceptions. Yazbeck, McVilly and Parmenter (2004) suggested that people's attitudes toward individuals with MR are socially constructed and are acquired through experience over time. Individuals with MR are often judged by people based on their disability instead of their whole lives and what they may accomplish and experience during their life (Blatt, 1987). Consequently, People may rely on false generalization and develop negative attitudes towards individuals with MR. Makas, Finnerty‐Fried, Sugafoos, and Reiss (1988) noted that for nondisabled persons, positive attitude toward people with disability is usually conceptualized as being ‘nice’ and ‘helpful’, whereas for a person with a disability, the attitude would be dispensing with the category of disability entirely. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling ‘uncomfortable’ when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling ‘uneasy’ in the presence of people with disabilities. Attitudes manifest themselves as positive or negative reactions toward an object, driven by beliefs that impel individuals to behave in a particular way (Yuker, 1988). They comprise a complex of feelings, desires, fears, convictions, prejudices, or other tendencies learned through varied experiences that give rise to a set or readiness to act toward a person in a certain way (Chaiken & Stangor,1987). This means that attitude is not behavior, but the precondition of behavior. In addition, Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) identified three types of attitudes that influence how non‐disabled people interact with, and include or exclude people with disabilities: (1) A preparedness to engage with people as consumers, neighbors, or friends; (2) a lack of awareness about individuals with MR; and (3) a wariness or hostility regarding the idea of community integration. Research has shown that the third type of attitudes, which represents negative and non‐acceptance of individuals with MR is commonly observed (Gething, 1994; Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Such negative attitudes in a society may present people with MR as a burden on the welfare system. Moreover, people might not see individuals with disabilities as possessing a valuable social role or possessing the same abilities and characteristics that the majority of people possess. Tus, individuals with MR may not be accepted or included in society and may often be treated badly. In turn, Wolfensberger (1988) indicated that individuals with MR, being in a devalued position, would behave badly as they think that this is what is expected of them. As integration of persons with MR is increasingly becoming a global reality, Kuwait has designed social policy aimed at promoting acceptance and inclusion of people with disabilities into the mainstream of society. To implement the policy of integration, the Kuwaiti government is continually forming inclusive services for individuals with MR. The recent policy of inclusion (law 13/96), which has been adopted in 1996, asserts that people with disabilities have a fundamental right to live and grow within their local communities. This law has spawned an expanded system of services to encourage people with disabilities to live like people without disabilities. Inclusion policies give individuals with MR the right to be involved in the same situations as people without MR. For example, more individuals with MR, for example, are being employed. Moreover, most children with Downs syndrome now attend Kindergarten and are included in social programs for children in the general population. The general goal of all types of services provided for individuals with MR is to improve their participation in society. Although the Kuwaiti government has shown a growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals being able to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitude of others, such as students, teachers, coworkers, social workers, professionals, towards them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are, for the most part, negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000). According to Wright (1983), disability situations are vulnerable to fundamental negative attitudes, and this would seem to be even truer in the culture found in Kuwait. In Kuwaiti culture, disability has stigmatizing effect on members of the immediate and extended family; families tend to keep members with MR out of the sight of other people. This contributes to social exclusion of people with MR. There is also the traditional common belief that disability is related to (1) God's willing that the parent should have a child with a disability, (2) God is punishing the parent, (3) God is testing the parent, or (4) God is selecting the parent for an unknown reason. Commonly, persons with MR have been considered burdensome and shameful, because they are incapable of contributing to traditional social obligations and roles. While those traditional beliefs still exist, the law 13/96 was legislated to support the integration of persons with MR into various aspects of life. Consequently, we expect that people in the society would react to this trend with frustration, anger, or refusal. Usually, people in Kuwait have little or no information about individuals with MR; thereby uninformed determinations, such as stereotypes, reflect their attitudes toward these individuals. According to Blatt (1987), a stereotype will fill in the cracks and unanswered questions in a situation with which people are not familiar. Langer (1989) in her theory of ‘mindfulness’ also shows that stereotype is ‘premature cognitive commitments’ that leads people to make judgments without enough information and reflection. Moreover, the society labels given to individuals with MR are often accompanied with stigma and negative connotations. This situation makes it difficult for those individuals to be included into society and be accepted for what they actually are and not for what others assume them to be. According to Biklen and Bogdan (1977), this type of discrimination is called ‘handicapism’ and is defined as‘…a set of assumptions and practices that promote differential and unequal treatment of people because of apparent or assumed physical, mental, or behavioral differences’ (p.206). These perceptions may prevent individuals with MR from being accepted, and they might be viewed, based on Erikson's theory, as a pseudo species, or as less than human (Smith, 1981). Furthermore, professionals', leaders', and students' views and beliefs about the integration of individuals with MR into society may result in slowing the process of inclusion and discouraging people from accepting these individuals as what they are. For example, though senior staff in Kuwait's Ministry of Social Affairs succeeded in including children with Downs syndrome into public kindergarten, no other effort has been made since 1996 to integrate other children with disabilities into inclusive educational settings. More critical is that, while leaders make efforts toward inclusion, they continue to support the permanent residence of individuals with MR in social welfare institutions and urge the government to provide free health, social and educational services for the residents. Ahmad (2004) found that between 1992 and 2002, there was an increase in the number of children, and males and females adults with MR who live in the Social Welfare Institution for permanent care. The number of residents with MR has increased from 223 to 296. According to Philips (1992), leaders' and professionals' beliefs about individuals with MR could have commenced with the industrial revolution that brought with it the practice of classifying people who were different, and who were not able to pursue personal dreams or act as the industrial society required. Leaders and professionals may perceive individuals with MR, as Blatt (1987) stated, blessed innocents or surplus population that is unnecessary and expendable. These beliefs may never give the individuals with MR an adequate opportunity to present themselves and their abilities to others. Praisner (2003) suggested that leaders' attitudes are the key factor in successful inclusion. Due to leadership position, leaders' and professionals' attitudes about inclusion either could result in increased opportunities for individuals with MR to be served in different settings or increased efforts to support the segregated special education services. According to Goodlad and Lovitt (1993), leaders and professionals have the decision to develop an inclusive setting, if they (1) make and honor commitments, (2) do what they say in formal and informal settings, (3) express interest in inclusion, (4) act and make their actions known, and (5) organize their staff and their physical surroundings to implement inclusive programs. As Praisner (2003) stated, the success of inclusion depends on how leaders exhibit behaviors that advance the integration, acceptance, and success of individuals with disabilities in general settings. Researchers (e.g., Horne, 1985) have also shown that students' positive attitudes may increase their willingness to work with individuals with MR, and lead to removal of barriers to integrate them into society. The positive attitudes of students may help to encourage the establishment of policies and the allocation of resources to increase the integration of individuals with MR into different settings in the society (Yazbeck, et al., 2004). To enhance the policy of inclusion in Kuwait, society needs to evaluate some of its structures and change people's attitudes to fit the needs of individuals with MR instead of making these individuals fit society's structures. Helping individuals with MR to be included into society and establish socially valued roles would not be difficult if the attitudes of society are less restrictive and less resistant to change. As Kuwait continues to develop social and educational policy about inclusion, researchers must pay attention to the connection between integration and attitudes. The provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with MR can be legislated by Kuwait's government, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured without knowing people's beliefs and thoughts about persons with MR. Developing an understanding of the attitudes that is predominant in society, which in turn influences the actions of its members, is critical if we plan for social changes and for evaluating the effectiveness of public policy on promoting an inclusive society (Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Given that there are negative attitudes toward people with MR, particular care must be taken to monitor changing social attitudes toward these individuals to identify any serious impediment to the progress of their inclusion in different settings: schools, workplace, and the wider community. Research that is relevant to individuals with disabilities (e.g. Geskie & Salasek, 1988; Antonak & Harth, 1994) has revealed the need for researchers to investigate the attitudes of people toward MR. Wolfensberger (1983) suggested that the key to changing how people are valued socially is to change the perceptions people have about individuals who may differ from the norm. Research, however, has indicated that the investigation of attitudes toward individuals with MR requires a psychometrically sound instrument. It is crucial to conduct research to gather accurate information about these attitudes; it would clarify people's awareness of persons with MR, and assist in evaluating intervention programs and developing appropriate course work for special education fields. Further, it would inform public policy decisions, funding priorities, and service delivery, which in turn, enhance the likelihood of achieving successful integration and improving qua lit y of life for persons with MR (Antonak & Harth, 19 94; Schalock, 1990). Accurate measurement of attitudes could also lead to early detection of negative attitudes, such as personal prejudices, misconceptions, and irrational fears of professionals, social workers, and teachers when they first get involved in disability work settings. Furthermore, it would help in providing a baseline for monitoring changes in their attitudes over time (Byon, 2000). Changing attitudes would help in supporting efforts of individuals with MR to become autonomous (Philips, 1992), and help to decrease the resistance of others to allow people with MR to make decisions about their own lives and to be independent (Schalock, 1990). As the history of the deinstitutionalization movement has shown, becoming autonomous and independent are not as simple as releasing people from state facilities and hoping they survive on their own. Autonomy and independence are based upon choice‐making, and choice‐making must be taught to people with MR, as they have never been allowed to make their own choices and do not know how to rationally choose for themselves. However, as Crutcher (1990) noted, personal choice is based on opportunity, and opportunity is accessible only when society decides it should be. Therefore, in order for individuals with MR to have the opportunity to make their own decisions and be successfully included in society, special effort must be taken to change peoples' attitudes towards them. Moreover, a psychometrically sound instrument of attitudes helps researchers to assess with known precision respondents' feelings about individuals with MR (affective aspect of attitudes), and their conceptions about them (cognitive aspect of attitudes). On the affective side, there are feelings of approval or disapproval of individuals with MR in the society. On the cognitive side, there are beliefs, knowledge, and expectations that affect people's behavior towards individuals with MR. The affective and cognitive aspects affect the respondents' opinions of what services should be provided for individuals with MR and what policy should be adopted. These also assist in the design, implementation, and evaluation of social intervention program and strategies geared toward removing barriers to integration (Geskie & Salasek, 1988). The present study focused on adapting, for use in Kuwait, the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised (MR AI‐R) of Antonak and Harth (1994). The MRAI‐R was chosen because of the limitations of the MR attitudes' instruments in the Gulf States, and in particular the lack of such an instrument in Kuwait. After reviewing literature, it seemed that there was only one measure of attitudes; an inventory developed by Qaryauti (1988). Despite the claimed appropriateness of Qaryauti's scale, we decided to use the MRAI‐R of Antonak and Harth for several reasons. First, Qaryauti's scale was based on Western instruments that Antonak and Harth criticized and motivated them to construct the MRAI‐R. In contrast, Antonak and Harth constructed the MRAI‐R based on a review of more than 50 years of the attitude literature, and developed their inventory on the most available valid instrument. Second, by reviewing the items of the MRAI‐R and Qaryauti's scale, it was clear to us that the MRAI‐R is more consistent with the requirements of the law 13/96 that was mandated in Kuwait to assure the right of individuals with MR to be included into public schools, workplace, and the wider community (see Table 1). Third, the MRAI‐R, unlike Qaryauti's scale, incorporates several components of attitudes: (1) the integration‐segregation of individuals with MR in various school programs, workplace, and community; (2) the willingness of people to be associated with individuals with MR (Social Distance); (3) the rights of individuals with MR to be included in schools, communities, and the workplace (Private Rights); and (4) the derogatory beliefs of people about the moral character and social behavior of individuals with MR. Of the 22 items in Qaryauti's scale, 13 were related to derogatory beliefs, six to social distance, and only three to private rights and integration‐segregation. Fourth, many transcultural researchers have used the MRAI‐R in populations as diverse as the United States, Australia, and Korea. In the US, Ward (1998) used the MRAI‐R to explore relationships between empathy and attitudes among 200 parents and adult consumers with developmental disabilities. Also, Yozwiak (2002) utilized the MRAI‐R to examine the beliefs and attitudes of 210 community members toward a child with MR who was a witness to a sexual abuse case. In an Australian study, Yazbeck and others (2004) used MRAI‐R to examine differences in attitudes between students and professionals in disability services, and persons in the general community (N=492). In Korea, Byon's study (2000) used the MRAI‐R to investigate the effect of social desirability on attitudes toward MR, and to compare the relationships between attitude measures (both direct and indirect measures) and behavioral outcome indicators. Obviously, findings from a large number of studies using the MRAI‐R contribute to its validity. In contrast, we failed to find any study in which Qaryauti's scale was used. Based on the above arguments, it seems that the MRAI‐R would be useful in needs assessments, especially in schools and mental health clinics. For example, when the ministry of education decides to implement the inclusion policy in schools, there would be a need to assess attitudes of teachers and students towards students with MR. The results of such assessment would help in designing programs that improve attitudes as needed. The MRAI‐R can also be useful for social workers, professionals, and researchers who work in a variety of primary social welfare settings. It helps them to identify and target those people who are the most in need of training and preparation to change their attitudes toward MR. In a wider scale, non‐profit organizations can use results of assessing attitudes in advocating the rights of those individuals. In general, the primary usage of the MRAI‐R could be: (1) screening for early identification of negative attitudes; (2) assessing attitudes of specific groups toward persons with MR; (3) pre‐ or post‐ measurement in intervention studies; and (4) helping researchers who aim at studying the effects of attitudes on different variables in the life of people with MR (i.e. job satisfaction, life satisfaction, family relationship, social support), or the relationship between attitudes and demographic variables (i.e. gender, age, marital status, employment, educational status, familiarity with individuals with MR). Following the recommendation of Antonak and Livneh (1988) that researchers should use the existing instruments and stop creating new ones, the purpose of the present study is to develop an Arabic inventory of attitudes toward individuals with MR by adapting the MRAI‐R to be suitable for use in Kuwait. Specifically, the study aimed at: (1) revising the MRAI‐R items to make them suitable to Kuwait's culture; (2) investigating the suitability of the four‐factor‐structure of the MRAI‐R for measuring attitudes toward individuals with MR in Kuwait; (3) selecting a uni‐dimensional subset of items, if the four‐factor‐structure was not confirmed; and (4) examining the psychometric characteristics of the adapted inventory. We decided to carry out this study on college students for various reasons: (1) college students are prospective educators or professionals who will be either dealing with people with MR or making decisions that affect their lives; (2) college students in Kuwait play an active role in social change and in changing public opinions;(3) they are representative cross‐section of Kuwaiti society; (4) a sample of college students is more easily acquired than a sample from the general population.     

Theft and Gender in Late Medieval Bologna

This article aims to challenge the prevalent presentation and analysis of gender in studies of theft in the Middle Ages. Female thieving is usually differentiated from men's – by motivation and mode, by venue and value – and these differences are related either to women's physical inferiority or to their nurturing roles (thieving to support the domestic economy) or to inequalities of access to such elements as weapons (for robbery) or tools (for burglary). When studying theft, historians have focused on male thieving as the norm, and they have tended to differentiate thieving according to gender: women mainly commit petty theft, often for immediate consumption, and do not steal on the highways, in gangs or with weapons and violence. Men, on the other hand, operate in groups: their motivation is more diverse and they use a more varied repertoire of modus operandi, which includes highway robbery. To re‐examine these characterisations, I have taken data from three twenty‐year periods from the criminal court of the city of Bologna in northern Italy (one of the most complete series of judicial records for the period). These yield a total of over 700 prosecutions and over 1,300 accused. The focus of the analysis is on elements of differentiation, such as the numbers of individual and gang thefts, the nature of goods stolen, the use of violence, et cetera. These show that, while there was some differentiation between male and female thieving, this was mainly quantitative, and that qualitatively there were more shared features of behaviour. What are often seen to be the distinguishing features of male thieving – robbery, violence, gangs, professionals – turn out to be a small, untypical group. What is often seen to be the distinguishing features of female thieving – petty theft for immediate consumption – turns out to be equally or more true of male theft.     

Trump’s populism: lessons from Latin America

This paper compares left-wing Latin American populism with Donald Trump. Despite their different social bases and economic policies, they use a similar logic to construct politics as an antagonistic struggle between two camps. Left-wing and right-wing populists aim to rupture existing political institutions to give power to the people, yet they differ in how they construct this category. Whereas Trump used ethnic criteria to differentiate the people from three out groups – Mexicans, Muslims, and African-American militant organisations – left-wing Latin American populists used political and socio-economic criteria. Despite their democratising promises, Latin American populists like Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Rafael Correa in Ecuador undermined democracy from within. Even though stronger institutions might protect American democracy, Trump has disfigured democracy.     

Managing ‘Aboriginal selves’ in South‐Western Sydney1

ABSTRACT This paper explores Aboriginal people's multiple sense of selves in suburban situations. While the Aboriginal self has been usually conceived as forged through relationships with kin, in the contemporary world, Aboriginal lives are constrained by a genealogical understanding of Aboriginality, that is, one based on descent. This understanding is endorsed by the state system, by Aboriginal and non‐Aboriginal organisations, and by non‐Aboriginal people. In the suburbs there are different ways in which people come to understand and identify their Aboriginalty. Drawing on ethnographic field‐work in south‐west Sydney, this paper explores these forms of identity, how they are perceived, and the effects this has on their sense of self. The focus is on two individuals with different backgrounds and understandings of what it is to be Aboriginal. The increasing role of Aboriginal organisations to offer new forms of relatedness is also discussed.     

‘Forgotten Europeans’: transnational minority activism in the age of European integration

This article examines transnational activism by coalitions of national minorities in Europe from the early 20th century to the present, setting this within the broader ‘security versus democracy dilemma’ that continues to surround international discussions on minority rights. Specifically, we analyse two organisations – the European Nationalities Congress (1925–1938) and the Federal Union of European Nationalities (1949–) – which, while linked, have never been subject to a detailed comparison based on primary sources. In so far as comparisons do exist, they present these bodies in highly negative terms, as mere fronts for inherently particularistic nationalisms that threaten political stability, state integrity and peace. Our more in‐depth analysis provides a fresh and more nuanced perspective: it shows that, in both cases, concepts of European integration and ‘unity in diversity’ have provided the motivating goals and frameworks for transnational movements advocating common rights for all minorities and seeking positive interaction with the interstate world.     

After the landing: Moral control and surveillance in Italy's asylum seeker camps (Respond to this article at https://www.therai.org.uk/publications/anthropology-today/debate)

Though the recent tragedies in the Strait of Sicily and the daily arrival of refugees on Italy's southern shores, have captured international media attention, institutional silence shrouds what happens after the landing, and the courses asylum seekers follow within the bureaucratic and assistance apparatuses are overshadowed by official data and state regulations. This article sheds light on some aspects of the protection and assistance system in Italy, documenting the experiences of asylum seekers who have reached Italy after crossing the Mediterranean, and now live in the camps run by the Italian government for the detention and control of undocumented migrants. Although these women and men experienced terrible abuses in their journey to Europe, once in Italy, and in particular within the camps, they are subjected to harsh forms of surveillance, as well as to moral and ethical regimes. By referring to research carried out in the reception centres for asylum seekers (CARA – Centri di Accoglienza per Richiedenti Asilo) in western Sicily where men, women and children are held after their arrival on Italy's southern coast, the author shows how the protection and assistance system does not limit itself to recognizing refugees as ‘victims’ or ‘bare life’. Rather, it pursues a more ambitious project in which moral and disciplinary regimes overlap in a systematic, long‐term process of subjection. The overlap of care, control and discipline emphasizes the close connection between the humanitarian apparatus and technologies of control. In particular, it is in the daily rules and practices performed by the personnel running the camp and aimed at governing the intimate and social life of women asylum seekers that the overlap between moral project and techniques of control becomes evident.     

Front and Back Covers,Volume 32, Number 3. June 2016

Front and back cover caption, volume 32 issue 3 Front cover STANDSTILL Behzad Sarmadi tells the story of Dubai's descent into an economic crisis in 2009 by seizing on the financial concept of ‘standstill’. The government of Dubai publicly (and unilaterally) invoked this concept in late 2009 so as to pause the debt obligations of a ‘government‐related’ corporation in the face of immanent bankruptcy. This figurative use of standstill by the city‐state, however, soon manifested itself in the city. Cars once owned by over‐indebted foreign residents began to accumulate dust on the sides of roads and parking lots as they were abandoned to literally stand still. Sarmadi examines this process by repurposing the notion of standstill as a tool with which to ethnographically link the structural dimensions of a financial crisis and its lived experience. Back cover DISEASES OF THE SOUTH At night the chimneys of the Ilva steelworks loom behind a residential building in Taranto, southern Italy. The largest steelworks in Europe, and one of the few former state factories still standing in southern Italy, Ilva provides much needed employment in an impoverished region. However, it is also one of the worst polluters in Italy. Epidemiological studies have shown a high incidence of pulmonary cancers in the area, prompting Italian legal authorities to put the owners on trial for illegal polluting emissions. In spite of the unhealthy environment both in Taranto and in toxic waste‐ridden Terra dei fuochi, near Naples, the state's dominant message is for its residents to adopt ‘healthier lifestyles’. Biomedicine emphasizes individual, lifestyle‐linked factors of disease. Yet such an emphasis diminishes some of the most obvious underlying factors, such as pollution, over which individuals have little or no control, and which affects entire territories and populations. When a population is stigmatized or racialized as ‘backwards’, as southern Italians are, even the most obvious environmental injustices can be obfuscated in this way. In southern Italy, as in other areas hit by environmental injustice, marginality is compounded by a stigma that demonizes as irrational local environmental movements fighting pollution on their own doorstep. Effectively, people are blamed for aiding and abetting their own diseases. While the health‐or‐jobs dilemma is a classic issue of industrialization, companies have even more power to pollute once they are the only source of jobs left.     

Claiming disability in the field of geography: Access,recognition and integration

The topic of physical disability has long been neglected in the field of geography. Geographers have challenged this neglect by undertaking studies of, for, and by persons with disabilities. This paper extends that challenge by examining the roles that disability and persons with disabilities play within the field of geography itself. The recognition and integration of persons with disabilities includes concerns with physical access, but also requires an examination of the institutional means by which geography departments, publications and conferences have worked and can work to challenge ableism: the neglect of disabled people's lives and perspectives. After centuries of exclusion, the recognition and integration of disability into society will surely be an issue of profound importance in coming years. We need geographers prepared and willing to study these processes.     

Embracing the Language of Human Rights: International Women's Organisations,Feminism and Campaigns Against the Marriage Bar,c.1919–1960

This article considers four international women's organisations – the International Council of Women, the International Alliance of Women for Suffrage and Equal Citizenship, the International Federation of University Women and the Open Door International – and their campaigns for the right of married women to undertake paid work. It examines how each organisation adopted and engaged with the language of human rights in the late 1920s and 1930s. It is argued that after 1948, precisely because of its formal adoption by the UN, the language of human rights became less usable as a way to make the point that women still faced inequalities, and so other framings became more significant. This article contributes to historiographies on international women's organisations, offers a detailed discussion of their activism against the marriage bar, and challenges the conventional chronology of the concept and language of human rights.     

Seeing the churches like the state: taxes and wealth redistribution in late antique Italy

Two key economic questions tend to be asked about the transformation of the Roman world. First, how did Roman fiscal structures continue, disintegrate and transform? Second, how did emerging churches play a role in the redistribution of wealth through new administrative structures to create a new social system, what Ian Wood has called a ‘temple society’? These two processes – one focussing on the continuity or discontinuity of the Roman economic structures and the other on churches within that system – are usually examined separately or assumed to follow, what we call here, a ‘Gallic model’. In this article, we first demonstrate that Wood’s ‘temple society’ is far more complex in its emergence in Italy than in Gaul. Second, we argue that the churches of Italy remained embedded within late Roman fiscal structures, even as they transformed during late antiquity. Fiscal arrangements, examined through the churches of Rome and Ravenna, established churches as ever more central economic actors to the state fiscal system by 600 and shaped their long-term wealth redistribution process.     

UNIQUE ISOLATION VERSUS NETWORKS OF OPPORTUNITY: THE COMPETING DISCOURSES OF TASMANIA

In order to understand why people move, we must first try to comprehend how they understand their migration decisions and recognize that such understandings are intricately tied to their understandings of places. Place construction – the way people understand and discuss the nature and meaning of places – occurs at all levels from individual constructions to constructions by economic and political interest groups. These place constructions necessarily influence each other, and hence they are in constant flux and reflect power relations evident in society. This article examines these issues in the context of the negative net migration of young adults in the Australian state of Tasmania through an examination of the experiences of thirty young return migrants who participated in in‐depth interviews and group discussions about their experiences of migration. It finds that bounded constructions of Tasmania – which stress the physical isolation and social and political insularity of the state as well as the uniqueness of the state's environment and society – appear to be dominant for these young returned migrants. However, the article argues that these bounded constructions necessarily exist in relation to networked constructions, which focus on the opportunities for people, ideas, goods and money to benefit through connections with other places as well as the loss of the uniqueness of the Tasmanian environment and society. This article concludes with a discussion of the political, economic and social consequences of these different forms of place construction.     

Spaces of Wellbeing for People with Learning Disabilities

Abstract

There is a growing interest in the geography of health in the concept of ‘wellbeing’, as it provides a fuller understanding of health, builds in embodied experiences, and accounts for the socio-spatial relations and contexts that shape health. The paper sets out the case for using ‘wellbeing’ to rethink the poor health outcomes experienced by people with learning disabilities, which conventional tools of healthcare and health promotion have failed to address. Shifting the focus of concern from the individualised objective ill-health of people with learning disabilities to a broader sense of emotional and social wellbeing and happiness, the paper argues that there is potential within learning disability spaces and networks for wellbeing to flourish, through greater self-determination and presence in and attachment to local places. The outcome is people with learning disabilities being able to find stability and build resilience in difficult bodily and social circumstances.     

Disabilities,gender and employment: social exclusion,employment equity and Canadian banking1

People with disabilities, especially women, suffer from appallingly high rates of poverty, and paid work is frequently cited as a primary route out of poverty. I draw on feminist analyses of work and disability studies to reflect on the Canadian federal government's Employment Equity Act. I use the example of the ‘Big Six’ banks to investigate the numerical representation and occupational distribution of women and men with disabilities compared to their counterparts without disabilities. However, social justice in the workplace is at least as much about the quality of social relationships as it is about statistical effects. Reaching workplace equity also involves the creation of a workplace climate where people with disabilities experience supportive and responsive supervision, along with a sense of being respected and valued. I assess the banks’ progress towards identifying and eliminating discriminatory disabling barriers. I close with a discussion of workplace climate and locate the Act in the context of a broader network of change that includes challenging ableism.