论井上毅的地方自治观

井上毅作为明治时期最著名的法制官僚,对明治国家的法制建设起到了不可估量的作用。不仅如此,对地方制度问题也不断提出建言,对明治地方制度的建设以很重要的影响。井上早年留学欧洲,倾向于日本学习法国的地方制度,主张在日本的町村一级实行地方自治制度,在府县一级实行行政制度,与主张完全照搬德国,在府县、郡和町村三级都实行地方自治的山县有朋形成了对立。最后井上虽然没有掌握制定地方自治制度的主导权,但对日本近代地方制度的影响还是不容忽视的。而且值得强调的是,二者的地方自治观虽不相同,但在维护天皇制这一目标上却殊途同归。     

Governors,Provincial Administration,and Local Self-Government in Late Imperial Russia

After long neglect in the Soviet period, the study of Russia's provincial governors and local institutions of self-government is attracting new interest among contemporary historians, who struggle with questions that preoccupied their late imperial predecessors.     

民国初年广东乡村的基层权力机构

民国初年,受到辛亥革命冲击的广东乡村基层权力机构以各种方式恢复和重建。这些机构包括警局、区乡办事所和团局,而主要是团局。控制乡村基层权力机构的人物有士绅、商人、回乡官吏、退伍军官等,有军事经历、直接掌握武力者通常在这些机构中担任主角。由于广东政局动荡,省、县政府对乡村往往不能充分行使权力,乡村基层权力机构获得很大的独立性,有时甚至同政府、军队发生冲突。国民政府成立后,广东实行新县政,但民国初年形成的乡村基层权力机构的格局,在不少地区一直延续到40年代末。     

地方势力与地方行政区划的设置——以明代湖广黄安建县为例

明嘉靖四十二年(1563),割黄冈、麻城、黄陂三县之地设黄安县。新县设置是朝廷"量地置邑"的结果,黄安建县缘起地方盗匪难靖,其实质不外乎朝廷加强统治的举措。但黄安县的设置又与他邑有所不同,是由以地方士绅为中心的地方势力自下而上呈请设置。新县设置处于朝廷党派斗争的政治背景下,存在着一定的偶然性,但通过建县,呈现出的是地方士绅的利益诉求,士绅通过婚姻、师生等关系联结社交网络,在建县过程中发挥着重要作用,甚至直接影响上层的决策,黄安建县,折射出地方势力对地方行政区划设置有着复杂的影响。     

Four Pathways to Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada

Abstract

Recent decades have seen the rising of a vital, multifaceted politics in Canada, focused on the future relations between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state. While there are many debates about specific arrangements, there is consensus that the negotiated establishment of Aboriginal self-government constitutes a major piece of unfinished business for the Canadian federation. This essay seeks to contribute more structure and focus to contemporary debates by examining four different models of Aboriginal government: “mini-municipalities,” a third order of government institutions, the public government federal option, and nation-to-nation relations. Each form has different implications for the relationship between Aboriginal and Canadian political communities, and each has different implications for the institutions and practices of Canadian federalism. We argue that further concurrency of powers and greater asymmetries in intergovernmental relations are likely to be notable features of the Canadian federation, and that no single model or pathway is likely to emerge as the dominant one in the near and medium term.     

Panorama of the Basque Country and its Competence for Self-Government

The aim of this article is to present a panoramic view of the Basque Country's capacity and competence for self-government. We have analysed the historical process of industrialization, the effects of the industrial crisis and new possibilities for development of the area's own regional policy based on new institutions (Government and Provincial Councils) that emerged from administrative decentralization in Spain after 1980. In the following section, we analyse the scope of authority in EU regions. Some of the cultural and transport infrastructure projects backed by these Basque institutions are studied. These projects have had a considerable impact on the Bilbao Metropolitan Area. The changes observed in the nation state, specifically in Europe, show contradictory effects. However, they have reduced the State's sovereignty but at the same time have prompted the State to retain powers rather than transfer them to lower institutional levels. This clashes with the desire of some regions or historical nations to access greater shares of self-government, such as the case of the Basque Country.     

撤地之"断"与设市之"续"——第二轮修志行政区划变更之探讨

行政区划变更（地区变市），造成志书编纂的难度，既要客观反映地区历史，又要突出省辖市成立后的历史，一段历史的两个不同阶段之间形成一个“断层”，篇目设计难顾首尾，记述容易造成混乱。本文为此提出解决问题的粗浅看法。     

略论伪南京市自治委员会的统治

本介绍了日本攻占南京后扶植成立南京市自治委员会的背景、经过以及该自治委员会在成立期间所采取的各项恢复措施,指出它作为一个过渡性傀儡政权,其命运完全取决于日本侵略政策的需要。     

The Congressional Committee Intelligence System: Information,Oversight, and Change

Data from a study of top staffers on congressional committees indicate that Congress is rich in sources of information about the executive branch, and that it exploits these sources surprisingly well. An observer of the contemporary Congress can read Max Weber's classic essay on "bureaucracy" with minimum alarm. Weber's bureaucracy had an "overtowering" position relative to its nominal political masters because of its continuity, expertise, and ability to guard information (secrecy). U.S. congressional committees have built a formidable counter organization. Committee staffers are not mere "dilettantes" who stand opposite administrative "experts." They have a significant level of experience in the areas covered by the agencies they oversee, and well developed communication networks which give them significant opportunities to push aside any veil covering bureaucratic decisions and activities. Moreover, they indicate a surprisingly active approach to keeping track of agency activities, leading one to question the predominance in the contemporary period of the "fire alarm" approach described in the literature. The article develops reasons why an active information seeking style may be more attractive now than in the past and suggests a connection between environmental changes, changes in information seeking behavior, and changes in other aspects of oversight behavior.     

Congress as Principal: Exploring Bicameral Differences in Agent Oversight

Previous theoretical and empirical work suggests differences in the way the congressional chambers approach the responsibility of agent control. The Senate should, the literature hypothesizes, exercise greater and qualitatively more systematic, substantive, and preemptive oversight of agents than does the House. Yet little research on congressional oversight has focused upon bicameral differences in principal behavior. This paper begins to fill the void by examining House and Senate oversight of the Federal Reserve. Specifically, I look at three types of oversight activity: monitoring of, and signaling to, the agent, and the principal's alteration of its contract with the agent. Utilizing original data and a variety of statistical methods, I show that there exist few, if any, quantitative and qualitative differences in House and Senate behavior. I then discuss theoretical reasons for my unexpected findings.     

Palestinian Interim Self-Government Arrangements (PISGA): Concepts,Preliminary Measures,and Elections Modalities

[The Palestinian delegation to the bilateral peace talks with Israel in Washington, D.C., issued this proposal for self-rule in the Occupied Territories in March 1992.]     

改革开放以来我国民族区域自治制度的发展和实践

随着具有历史意义的中共十一届三中全会的召开 ,我国的民族区域自治工作进入了一个新的发展时期 ,不但全面恢复了民族工作机构 ,而且重申了过去行之有效的各项民族政策。以江泽民为核心的党的第三代领导集体继承了党的第一代、第二代领导集体关于民族区域自治的理论和实践经验 ,认为民族区域自治是我国解决民族问题的一大政治优势 ,具有旺盛的生命力。从民族地区发展的角度来看 ,西部大开发 ,实际上就是西部民族地区的大开发。随着西部大开发战略构想的逐步实施 ,民族地区必将迎来其发展史上新的历史性机遇 ,将进一步印证我国民族区域自治制度的巨大优越性     

安福、永定二县的设置与清代州县行政管理体制在湘西北的确立

明初设立的九溪、永定二卫,到了清初已经演变为征收屯赋、管理屯民的地方行政性管辖机构。雍正年间裁卫设县,结束了九溪、永定二卫的历史存在,并在调整土地与户口归属的基础上,最终完成了湘西北地区卫所军事管理体制向州县行政管理体制的转变。     

理想与利益——浙江省宪自治运动新探

1919-1926年的浙江省宪自治运动,是民初中国联省自治浪潮中的一个重要组成部分。它在省内外多种因素的推动下而发生,并在运动中先后产生了三种不同的省宪：九九省宪、三色宪法、浙江省自治法。省宪的条体现了当时人们的许多自治理想,但运动参与动机各异使之自始便存在着严重分歧,省宪理想成为他们追求不同利益目标的工具。运动断断续续的进行伴随着各方势力激烈的冲突,亦折射出浙省多重的地方政治权力结构。运动的无果而终,并非简单由于“军阀扼杀自治”。     

从八旗驻防到地方行政制度——以清代盛京八旗驻防制度的嬗变为中心

清代承平日久,驻防盛京的旗人逐渐卷入当地的社会生活,由客居变为土著。旗人社会的变化,使以军事防御为主的八旗驻防制度发生了重大变革。本文通过对清代盛京八旗驻防制度的考察,认为驻防旗官从行政、司法、经济诸领域渗入地方社会的管理,八旗驻防的地方政府不断完善,与民官一起,成为区域社会的重要管理者。盛京将军辖区的"城"已成为驻防区约定俗成的政区,拥有治所、幅员、边界、行政组织等,驻防制度逐渐演变为带有八旗制度特征的地方行政制度。     

民国初年察哈尔特别区域的设立与区域调整

民国初年,在边疆形势严峻的背景下,北京政府在内蒙古地区设立了特别区域。这一高层政区体制的形成和区域范围的确定,受到边疆地区政治、经济格局的深刻影响。由于该地区盟旗区域广大,以农业为主的县区范围狭小,缺乏设省的政治、经济基础,因而采取了特别区域这一形式。而其行政区域的议定,也是经过了多处县域纷争方才最终确定,这一点在察哈尔特别区域设立过程中尤为典型。区域纠纷的发生,主要缘于地方长官为了扩大财政收入,而边疆地区的民族、军事、交通条件等因素又成为影响区域隶属的关键。     

地方志与地方文化建设

地方志是地方化的一种,地方志与地方化的建设是相互作用、相互影响、相互促进的。地方志是社会化体系构建的根基。地方志在建设地方化中的标识作用不可忽视。作为系统的化工程,地方志承上启下的历史功效应充分加以利用。本就地方志对地方化建设的意义,地方志与地方化建设的关系,以及地方志在建设化大省中的地位和作用进行了阐述。