Iqbal’s and Hassan’s Complaints: A Study of “To the Holy Prophet” and “SMS to Sir Muhammad Iqbal”

Muhammad Iqbal and Mohd. Kamal Hassan respectively wrote “To the Holy Prophet” and “SMS to Sir Muhammad Iqbal” in the 1930s and in the 2000s – two extremely challenging times, as in the former most Muslim-majority countries were under European colonial rule and in the latter, Western global powers wove an all-pervasive web of domination and exploitation of them. They focus on the internal weaknesses of subjugated Muslims and lament that, since the attitude of many of them is characterized by inaction and reliance on others, domination by foreign powers became an inevitable corollary. A culture of self-indulgence, stagnation, and complacency precipitated their decline and facilitated their exploitation by powerful outside interests. In their pursuit to understand the reasons for Western domination over Muslim societies, they studied the “moral paralysis” of colonized Muslims in order to reform them. Accordingly, their analysis of the subordinate position of Muslim peoples and countries can clearly be viewed through the lens of Bennabi’s notion of “colonizability,” as Iqbal’s and Hassan’s complaints in the poems mostly involve exposing several of their weaknesses that prevented them from playing their actual role, and hindered them from realising their potential, in the world.     

The Palestine Question in the 1940s and the Emergence of the Arab Lobby in Canada

In the early 1940s, Arab lobbying activities started to be noticeable in Canada. In 1944 the Canadian Arab Friendship League was founded in Montreal by Muhammad Said Massoud, a Druze emigrant from Lebanon. The League soon became the spearhead of Arab lobbying activity in Canada. Its declared goal was to improve Canada's relations with the Arab world, yet in the second half of the 1940s its main focus of interest was to struggle against the partitioning of Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state there.     

BOOK REVIEWS

Books Reviewed in this article: Renaissance of Islamic Culture And Civilization in Pakistan. By Dr. Abdur Rauf. Lahore. Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1965. XIX, 320. Bibliography and Index. Rs. 20/- The Development of Arabic Logic. By Nicholas Rescher. Pp. 262. University of Pittsburgh Press 1964. Revolution and Military Rule in the Middle East: The Northern Tier. By George M. Haddad. Robert Speller & Sons, Publishers Inc. N.Y., 250 pages $6.00 Torch for Islam: A Biography of George K. Harris by Malcolm K. Brad-shaw. China Inland Mission Overseas Missionary Fellowship, Lutterworth Press, London, 1965 pp. 157, 8/6. The prospects of Christianity throughout the world. Edited by M. Searle Bates and Wilhelm Pauck. New York 1964. Charles Scribner's Sons Pp. 286. Islam and Modernism. By Maryam Jameelah. Lahore: Mohammad Yusuf Khan, 1966. Poems from the Divan of Khushal Khan Chatted. translated from the Pashto by D. N. Mackenzie, 261 pp. George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., London, 1965. A Muslim Manual of War. Edited and translated by George T. Scanlon, Cairo, American University Press, 1961. Pp. viii, 130 (Introduction and translation); 97 (Arabic text). Muhammad the Last Prophet by Imam Vehbi Ismail, Cedar Rapids, 1962. Religion for to-morrow , by Theron D. Wilson, Philosophical Library, N.Y. 1963 Aspects of Egypt: Some Travels in the United Arab Republic. By Ethel Mannin. Hutchinson of London, 1964; pp. 264, map, 25 photographs. 30 shillings in U.K.     

The Palestinian Uprising,Bread Riots and Arab Democratisation

In most theoretical treatments civil strife and domestic political conflict are interpreted as deconstructive and negative, as exemplified by Gurr 1980, p. 239 . Yet no messengers from Christ to Muhammad , no leaders from Bolivar to Gandhi , and no revolutionaries from Lenin to Mao to Mandela ushered in new orders and ideas without conflict. Whether viewed diachronically or synchronically, humankind's history is the history of conflict. However, domestic conflict is neither always negative, as Dixon and Moon 1989 have shown, nor does it always have only short-term effects, as Bienen and Gersovitz 1986 have assumed. There is ample historical evidence for this in the aforementioned cases. Against the backdrop of domestic conflict these historical figures effected positive and lasting changes. Hence the chief postulate of this essay: domestic political conflict, despite the 'inherent plausibility' of its harmfulness, presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots and the spill-over effect of the Palestinian intifadah uprising . Support for this position is found in the context of the recent wave of Arab democratisations. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalisations especially that of Sudan, Algeria and Jordan have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere as in Tunisia and Egypt , similar pressure helped consolidate, or, at least, place political reform on the agenda of delegitimised ruling elites. When compared with other regions, the Arab Middle East AME can readily be shown to have advanced on the road to democracy, even if such a democracy is yet to presage polyarchal rule. Democracy and democratisation in the AME have almost invariably meant a trend towards 'parliamentariasation' and 'electoralisation'. Between 1985 and 1996 the AME has experienced no less than seventeen multi-party elections, twice more than the entire preceding period since the early 1960s when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. While renderings of Arab democracy tend to be either 'exceptionalist' projecting pessimistic scenarios or euphoric equating democracy with the number of polls , they fail to consider the role of domestic political violence in the rise of Arab electoral activities, a vacuum area taken up by this essay.     

Irano-Russian Trade and Travel: Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb and Others

Contacts between Russians and Persians have a long history going back to 1592 during the reign of the Safavid dynasty (1501–1736). However, the impact of Russia upon Persia was only felt as a result of military defeats in 1813 and 1828. In nineteenth century Persia there were many geographical obstacles which prevented foreigners including Russians from trading with Persia. This situation changed with the Treaty of Turkmanchai and its commercial protocol which gave Russian merchants special benefits and advantages. Consequently, by the 1860s Russian steamships started postal, passenger and cargo service from Baku to Persian Caspian ports and railheads advanced through the Caucasus to Tiflis. Persia traded with Russia on a much larger scale than with any other country. One of the Persian merchants who traded extensively with or through Russia to Europe was Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (1834–98), the most prominent merchant of his time, and subsequently his son Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb II. The article discusses Amin al-Zarb's trade and relations with Russia based upon unpublished material in the Amin al-Zarb archives in Tehran.     

BETRAYAL: THE CASE OF THE NEW GUINEA BARUYA

This article is situated within the discussion started in 1962 by John Barnes, whose observations on the fluidity of social organization in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea raised the question, what binds together a certain number of individuals belonging to distinct kinship groups? Is it defense of a common territory? Is it participation in initiation rituals which institute a general order between genders and between generations? Or is it, as in the Big-men societies, participation in cycles of ceremonial exchanges which involve all the local groups of a same region? These questions have been discussed by various authors: De Lepervanche (1967–8), A. Strathern (1968, 1970), and Feil (1981, 1984) to mention just a few. The fabric of Baruya society is generated by two principles: direct exchange of women and an elaborate system of male and female initiations. The Baruya share the same culture and the same language with their neighbours and enemies, but they distinguish and define themselves by claiming a common territory conquered at the expense of local groups and by the fact that their women circulate primarily between kinship groups residing on this territory. However, from time to time these two principles are transgressed by individuals or segments of lineages who betray their kinship or tribal solidarities, generating situations which reshape the internal composition of the Baruya tribe and its relationships with its neighbours. I intend by analysing the mechanisms of these betrayals to throw some light on this key-moment in the dynamics of New Guinea Highlands societies.     

Convict ancestry: a neglected aspect of Australian identity

Abstract Claiming descent from convicts who were sent to Australia during the early period of British settlement is more than just about blood ties, it is also an aspect of national identity for many Australians. Analyses of nationally representative survey data show that younger, left‐leaning, working class Australians are most likely to identify as convict descendants, while older, high income, educated, city dwellers are least likely to identify. Our findings also suggest that the ‘hated stain’ of convict ancestry is senescent, and will diminish with intergenerational replacement. Yet claims to convict descent remain divided along status lines. Interest in convicts and claims of convict heritage may comprise an element of ‘popular taste’, but as a consequence of this popularity, ‘convict chic’ is rejected by educated elites. Embraced by ‘middle Australia’, but shunned by cosmopolitan elites, convict ancestry is a neglected aspect of Australian identity. Whether claims of convict ancestry are ‘real’ or ‘imaginary’, the power of foundation myths to provide shared memories is evident in the salience of convict connections in Australia.     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:
Ibn Taymīya's Struggle against Popular Religion, with an Annotated Translation of his Kitāb iqti     ā a     -     irā     al-mustaqīm mukhālafat a         āb al-ja     īm. By Muhammad Umar Memon
The Islamic View of Women and the Family . By Muhammad Abdul-Rauf
Middle Eastern Muslim Women Speak . Edited by Elizabeth W. Fernea and Basima Qattan Bezirgan
Images and Self-Images: Male and Female in Morocco . By Daisy Hilse Dwyer
Moroccan Islam: Tradition and Society in a Pilgrimage Center . By Dale F. Eickelman
Prelude to Protectorate in Morocco: Precolonial Protest and Resistance, 1860–1912 . By Edmund Burke, III
Arab Nationalism: An Anthology . 2nd edn. Ed. by Sylvia G. Haim
Saladin . By Geoffrey Hindley
Islam et Jeunesse en Turquie d'aujourd'hui . By Sabine Dirks
Selections from the Poetry of Bassār. Edited with an introduction, translation, and commentary by A. F. L. Beeston.     

The Political Discourses of three Contemporary Muslim Scholars: Secular,Nonsecular, or Pseudosecular?

It is well‐known that the quest for an Islamic state was a desire common to most Islamists of the twentieth and twenty‐first centuries. This article discusses three contemporary political theories that stand in sharp contrast to the Islamists’ theory of an Islamic state. These political theories are developed by three prominent contemporary Muslim scholars, Nasr Hamid Abū Zayd, Ablodkarim Soroush, and Muhammad Mujtahed Shabestari. The article attempts to discuss the common themes between the views of these scholars concerning governance. It argues that the political theories presented by them significantly differ from those developed by most Islamists, who share the idea that Islam is a self‐sufficient political system. It also argues that while these political theories challenge the idea that incorporates the maximal role for government in religious matters and thus are close to certain aspects of regulations of governance in Western countries, they are different from those political theories in the West that focus on a sharp distinction between religion and state because religion, for such scholar, plays an important role in developing civil society.     

Zionism as told by Rashid Rida

Muhammad Rashid Rida, the editor of al-Manar and one of the preeminent Muslim thinkers of the twentieth century, published between 1898 and 1935 dozens of reports, analyses, and Quran exegesis on Jews, Zionism, and the Palestine question. His scholarship greatly influenced the Muslim Brothers and still reverberates in the Arab political discourse today. Based on the first systematic reading and contextualization of al-Manar's pertinent texts, this article examines and explains the radical shifts in Rida's views: from describing Zionism as a humanitarian enterprise of a virtuous nation to depicting it as a plan for ethnic cleansing; from expressing doubts about the ability of the Arabs to prevail against the Jews to proclaiming certainty that they would; and from condemning French anti-Semitism to embracing hateful theories about Jewish conspiracies and vices.     

The cloak,the cage and the fog of sanctity: the Zionist mission and the role of religion among Arab Jews*

Abstract. This paper examines the Zionist national mission to mobilise Jewish ethnic communities in Arab countries, in the period preceding the establishment of the state of Israel. It draws on archival texts to trace a phenomenon known in Jewish historiography as ‘Shadarut’; a voluntary religious practice of fundraising which was widespread in the Jewish world for hundreds of years. The paper shows how this pre‐national religious practice (to be labelled ‘the cloak’) was adopted and incorporated into the Zionist national project (‘the cage’), first generating tension between the Jewish religious establishment and the Zionist ‘secular’ movement, and then blurring the distinction between Judaism as a religion and Judaism as a national identity. The paper shows how secular emissaries of European origin arrived in Arab countries as religious emissaries (‘shadarim’) and aspired to discover a strong religious fervour among members of the Jewish communities there. This is because in the eyes of the Zionist (ostensibly secular) movement, being religious Jews in Islamic countries was a criterion that demarcated them from their Arab neighbours. This analysis entails two main conclusions: (a) that contrary to the experience of the European Zionist national movement in which secularism and the revolt against the Jewish religion played a central role, in Islamic countries it was particularly the Jewish religion, and not secular nationalism that was used to mobilise the Jewish community into the Jewish national movement; (b) that the ‘shadarut’ practice refuses to yield to the epistemological imperatives and the common divisions that arise from the binary distinction between ‘religiousness’ and ‘secularity’, particularly in the Middle East. Some implications for contemporary Israeli society are discussed.     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:
Modern Arabic Drama Egypt. By M. M. Badawi
Sher Shah Sur, "Ustad-i Badshahan" Humayun, alias Sher Shah Suri. By Hussain Khan
Revolt in Palestine in the Eighteenth Century: the Era of Shaykh zahir al-⁽Umar. By Ahmad Hasan Joudah
Authority in Islam: from the rise of Muhammad to the establishment of the Umayyads. By Hamid Dabashi
The Middle East In Crime Fiction: Mysteries, Spy Novels and Thrillers from 1916 to the 1980's. By Reeva S. Simon
Early Arabic Drama. By M. M. Badawi
Discovering Islam: Making Sense of Muslim History and Society. By Akbar S. Ahmed
Language and change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modern Arabic Political Discourse. By Ami Ayalon     

Khalsa: The Town with a ‘Golden Fountain’: The Rise and Fall of an Arab Town North of the Huleh Valley

This article deals with the history of a frontier Arab town—Khalsa—which was the centre of the Huleh Valley and the connection between Galilee, Southern Lebanon and the Golan Heights during the British Mandate in Palestine (1918–48). This article aims to explore the changes and transformations that occurred in the town and the Huleh Valley in general, and tries to show that, during that period, this remote and peripheral area underwent many social and economic changes. It also demonstrates that these changes not only occurred in the central areas in Palestine but also reached the northern parts. In addition, this article tells the ‘story’ of how this Arab town, which has not been addressed in earlier studies, grew rapidly, and why it collapsed quickly in the 1948 war. It examines what the role of its leader, Kamil Hussein, was and how his relationship with the Bedouin tribes and the Jewish settlements and leaders in the valley affected the results of the war. The story of Khalsa is, to some extent, a case study on the macro-level of what was happening in the Holy Land in the three decades of British rule.     

‘A “Special Relationship” sometimes in spite of ourselves’: Britain and Jordan, 1957–73

In view of Britain's role in the creation and development of Jordan, bilateral relations in the wake of the Suez crisis are an important test case of its continuing engagement, not only in the Levant, but in the Middle East as a whole. This article shows that despite the far-reaching changes which took place in British foreign policy between 1957 and 1973, Britain retained a significant bilateral relationship with the Hashemite Kingdom. Through a comparison of the role of the Western powers in the 1958 and 1970 crises, and through an analysis of the key events of the intervening years, including the 1967 Arab–Israeli War, this article explores the dynamics of this persisting relationship. It shows that the initiative often came from the Jordanian side, with King Hussein particularly keen to involve both Britain and the United States in the September 1970 crisis as witnesses to his dealings with Israel.     

Peace without money,war without Americans: challenges for European strategy

Just as the shift of the American strategic focus to Asia and the Pacific forces strategic autonomy upon Europeans, the financial crisis limits their means. In the age of austerity, dispersed efforts and spending on secondary issues have become unaffordable. Prioritizing and making strategic choices have become more important than ever. As no single European state can face all these challenges alone, a joint European strategy must assess where collective foreign and security policies can bring the most added value to the national effort. Through the European Union, Europeans have attempted as much in the 2003 European Security Strategy, but for lack of prioritization, the EU has so far underperformed. Yet the EU does have access to substantial means and possesses all the necessary instruments to pursue a comprehensive strategy. The key to their effective use is a collective European strategic review, starting from the vital interests that all European states have in common. Two priorities stand out: making a new start in Europe's relations with its southern neighbours after the Arab Awakening, and deciding which responsibilities Europeans will assume as security providers outside their borders after the American ‘pivot’ to Asia.     

The role of culture and community in frontier prairie farming

Frederick Jackson Turner described the American frontier as the great democratizer, a place where people from diverse backgrounds came together, shook off the shackles of their former cultures and blended into the American nation. Detailed study of nineteenth-century rural settlement in the Upper Middle West reveals a more complex picture. A marked spatial clustering of groups from the same country, province and even parish is readily observed. Often these groups were bound together in a close-knit community through the agency of a common church. This paper traces through four decades the farming behaviour and economic fortunes of several such groups who settled on the prairie of Kandiyohi County, Minnesota. The findings indicate that the ethnic community, especially where it consisted of people from a relatively restricted district in the old country, did help to make the frontier experience of its people rather different from that of their neighbours.     

Searching for a Just and Lasting Peace? Anglo-American Relations and the Road to United Nations Security Council Resolution 242

United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 of 22 November 1967 continues to rank as a key point of reference for the Arab-Israeli peace process. The resolution laid down a ‘land for peace’ formula for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, under which Israel would withdraw from territories occupied during the June 1967 Arab-Israeli War in exchange for full peace agreements with its Arab neighbours. This article analyses the Anglo-American diplomacy at the United Nations which led to the passing of the resolution. It argues that the policy-making of the Johnson administration was rendered incoherent by internal rivalries and disorganisation. US Ambassador to the UN, Arthur Goldberg, was perceived as excessively sympathetic to Israel by the Arab delegations. The British approach, by contrast, was perceived by all parties as more even-handed. The clear position adopted by Foreign Secretary George Brown on Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories, together with the skilful diplomacy of the Ambassador to the UN, Lord Caradon, explains the British success in sponsoring Resolution 242. The episode holds broader lessons for the conduct of Anglo-American relations showing that Britain was better placed to achieve diplomatic success when it retained its freedom of manoeuvre in relations with the United States.     

The Teaching of Arabic in French Algeria and Contemporary France

This article examines the history of the teaching of Arabicin colonial Algeria as a means of clarifying the contemporarydebate on language policy in the French education system. Untilnow this history has only been explored in the limited contextof post-Independence Algeria and in a rather simplistic fashion,which suggests that the colonial authorities conducted a hostilecampaign against the Arab language. In fact, as will be seen,the situation was far more complex, with a much more sympatheticapproach being adopted than one might expect. However, therewere various forms of Arabic to take into account and attitudeswere in a constant state of flux throughout the colonial period.     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article: The Quranic Art of Calligraphy and Illumination .* By Martin Lings. New York: Interlink Books, 1987 (orig. ed. London, 1976). 242 pp. Illustrations. Indices. $49.95, hardcover. The Rising of al-Husayn: Its Impact on the Consciousness of Muslim Society . By Shaykh Muhammad Mahd Shams al-Dn. Translated from the Arabic by I.K.A. Howard. New York: Methuen, 1986. xxi plus 218 pp. $15.95, paper. Remembrance and Prayer: The Way of the Prophet Muhammad . By Muhammad al-Ghazl. Translated by Yusuf Talal De Lorenzo. Leicester, England: The Islamic Foundation, 1986/1406 A.H. 232 pp. Arabic text of prayers. Index. 10.-, hardcover; 4.95, paperback. The Bounteous Koran . A translation of meaning and commentary by M.M. Khatib. Authorized by Al-Azhar, 1984. London: Macmillan Press, 1986. xlvii plus 827 pp. plus 14 pp. of addenda. Preface. Introduction. Arabic index of srahs. $36.00, hardcover. Les Mille et une nuits d'Antoine Galland ou le chef-d'oeuvre invisible . By Georges May. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1986. 247 pp. in French. 135 francs. Rethinking Islam Today . By Mohammed Arkoun. [Occasional Papers Series.] Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University, 1987. 25 pp. n.p. Al-Fnrabi's Commentary and Short Treatise on Aristotle's “De Interpretntione.” Translated with an Introduction and Notes by F. W. Zimmermann. [The British Academy, Classical and Medieval Logic Texts]. London: Oxford University Press, 1981. clii plus 287 pages. $145.00. The Path of God's Bondsmen from Origin Return. (Mersd al-ebd men al-mabd el-ma-d): A Sufi Compendium by Najm al-Dn Rzi known as Dya . By ‘Abd Allh ibn Muhammad Najm al-Dn Rz Translated from the Persian with introduction and annotation by Hamid Algar. [Persian Heritage Series, No. 35.] Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1982. 537 pages. n.p. Islamic Coins. By Michael Bates . [ANS Handbook 2]. New York: The American Numismatic Society, 1982. Deluxe edition includes 36 color slides. 52 pp. $8.00. Dadda ‘Atta and His Forty Grandsons; The Socio-political Organization of the Ait ‘Atta of Southern Morocco . By David Hart. [MENAS Socio-Economic Studies.] Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983. xix plus 260 pp. $30.00. The Lebanese Crisis (1975-1985): A Bibliography . Compiled by Georges T. Labaki. College Park: Center for International Development and Conflict Management, University of Maryland, 1986. 134 pp. n.p. Arab Resources: The Transformation of a Society . Edited by Ibrahim Ibrahim. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University, Center for Contemporary Arab Studies; London: Croom Helm, 1983, 304 pp. Tables. n.p. From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates: A Society in Transition . By Frauke Heard-Bey. London and New York: Longman, 1982. xxvi plus 522 pages. Maps. Abbreviations. Bibliography. Appendix. Glossary. Index. $45.00, cloth. Saudi Arabia: Rush to Development. Profile of an Energy Economy and Investment . By Ragaei El Mallakh. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982. 472 pages. Illustrations. Appendix. Bibliography. $32.50. The Changing Bedouin . Edited by Emanuel Marx and Avshalom Shmueli. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1984. xi plus 197 pp. $29.95. Religious Strife in Egypt: Crisis and Ideological Conflict in the Seventies . By Nadia Ramses Farah. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, 1986. xiii plus 135 pp. Bibliography. Chapter notes. $42.00, hardcover. Egypt: Politics and Society, 1945-1981 . By Derek Hopwood. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1982. x plus 194 pp. $10.95; $28.50, cloth. Middle East Mission: The Story of a Major Bid for Peace in the Time of Nasser and Ben-Gurion By Elmore Jackson. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1983. 124 pp. Chronology; Appendix; Index. $12.95. Protest Movements and Religious Movements in Egypt: Past and Present . By Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot. [Occasional Paper Series]. Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University, 1984. 10 pp. $3.75. Religion and Political Development: Some Comparative Ideas on Ibn Khaldun and Machiavelli . By Barbarara Freyer Stowasser. [Occasional Paper Series]. Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University, 1983. 28 pp. n.p. American Christianity, the Jewish State, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict . By Thomas Wiley. [Occasional Paper Series]. Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Georgetown University, 1983. 32 pp. n.p. Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia . Compiled by Ahmad Ibrahim, Sharon Siddique, and Yasmin Hussain. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985. xv plus 407 pp. Bibliography. n.p. The Two Yemens . By Robin Bidwell. London: Longman; Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983. xvii plus 350 pp. Maps; List of Abbreviations; Glossary; Bibliography; Index. $26.00. Jewish Life under Islam: Jerusalem in the Sixteenth Century . By Ammon Cohen. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984. xiii plus 267 pp. Map; Tables; Index. $30.00. Modernization in the Sudan: Essays in Honor of Richard Hill . Edited by M.W. Daly. New York: Lilian Barber Press, 1985. 177 pp. Index. $29.50, hardcover. Islam in India: Studies and Commentaries . Vol III: The Islamic Experience in Contemporary Thought. By Syed Vahiduddin. Edited by Christian W. Troll. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1986. xi plus 292 pp. Photograph. Glossary. Indices. n.p. Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey . Edited by Jacob M. Landau. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1984. xiii plus 268 pp. Index. $20.00.