Judging government economic performance

ABSTRACT

The macroeconomic theory of judging contends that when justices on courts of last resort consider cases involving their governments and economic issues their voting behaviour will be affected by the state of the economy. Using decisions from the High Court of Australia from 1970 through 2018, the findings suggest that both economic conditions, particularly inflation and the GDP growth rate, and the partisan identity of the Commonwealth government affect the Commonwealth’s probability of winning economic cases. The High Court’s behaviour is consistent with an institution that is part of the national policymaking system and is responsive to the state of the economy.     

Berlusconi,strong government and the Italian state

Over the past decade, state capacity has increased at all levels, including that of central government, and the emergence of effective government in Italy has proved popular. A second trend has been the reassertion of party government since 1996. Given these two trends, the large parliamentary majority obtained by Silvio Berlusconi's alliance, the Casa delle LibertÀ, might be expected to result in strong party government. In fact, Berlusconi's triumph offers something more and something less than party government, challenging Italian democracy. Nevertheless, as a consolidated democracy, Italy should be able to withstand such a challenge. One stable, democratic outcome to Italy's political transformation would be the consolidation of a Schumpeterian model of democracy. This would require the anomalies of the right's accumulation of powers to be resolved, a process which the left could promote by accepting that strong democratic government is a public good, and by organizing itself to challenge Berlusconi by campaigning to provide Italy with such government through parliamentary competition.     

古希腊神话与土地占有权

一、功能主义神话学希腊神话之魅力在于其审美价值 ,但在古希腊社会 ,神话还有不可替代的社会功能。神话是透视古希腊社会的一面镜子 ,而研究古希腊社会也有助于澄清神话之真谛 ;二者关系密不可分。探讨神话之社会功能是功能主义神话学的主要课题 ,其奠基者是英籍波兰人类学家布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺夫斯基 ( 1 884— 1 94 2 )。马林诺夫斯基的理论是在研究西太平洋特罗布里安德群岛土著神话的基础上形成的。他指出 :“神话在原始文化中履行着不可或缺的功能 :它表述、加强信仰 ,并使之有条理 ;它捍卫和强化道德 ;它确保仪式之有效 ,并包含着…     

Establishing the Populations and Occupation Spans of Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis,Hancock County,Illinois

Abstract

Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis are two short-term War of 1812–era American military posts located above the east bank of the Mississippi River in Hancock County, Illinois, within what was then the western frontier of the United States. Because little has been written regarding the fort and the cantonment, most details of their occupations are poorly documented and occasionally contradictory. A review of the documents associated with the two military posts establishes that Fort Johnson was occupied by approximately 100 men for 42 days, while Cantonment Davis was occupied by as many as 825 military personnel for about six to eight months.     

Immigration,the Celtic Tiger and the economic crisis

Abstract

This article addresses the puzzle of why Ireland has proved so open to immigration. It compares responses to immigrants in the Republic of Ireland during the Celtic Tiger era and during the post-2008 economic crisis and finds no evidence of a political backlash during the latter period even though opinion polls suggest that opposition to immigration had increased and other evidence suggested that there had been an increase in racist incidents within Irish society. Nor did the resumption of large-scale emigration trigger political hostility to immigrants. The outcome of the 2004 Referendum on Citizenship, which removed a constitutional right to Irish citizenship to the Irish-born children of immigrants, suggested that that nationalism still matters hugely and a latent tendency towards ethnic chauvinism amongst the host population. Yet, a decade after the 2004 Referendum it looked as if the old mono-ethnic sense conception of the Irish nation had been disrupted, at least a little bit.     

The Italian Communist Party,local government and the Cold War

The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.     

The government,the opposition and the President of the Republic under Berlusconi

This article assesses the behaviour of three actors, the government, the opposition and the President of the Republic, in the first two years of Berlusconi's government. Though solidly controlled by Berlusconi, his government has already had to replace two important ministers and some under-secretaries and has often behaved like a traditional coalition government. Moreover, it has so far achieved virtually none of the promises made in the 'Contract with the Italians'. It is feebly challenged by a divided opposition, unorganized, leaderless, unable to create a shadow government and just waiting for Romano Prodi's return from Brussels. Precisely because of its weakness, the opposition has often tried to rely on the President of the Republic as a check on Berlusconi's exorbitant power. Indeed, Ciampi has intervened in a more or less controversial way in the drafting of some government bills and has sent a solemn message to parliament asking for a more impartial and pluralist information system; to no avail. However, Ciampi's role and behaviour suggest that the problem of the powers of the President of the Republic has not been solved. Berlusconi's own preference for a popularly elected president and his unsolved conflict of interests indicate that the political and institutional transition in Italy is not yet over.     

Renzi: the government,the party,the future of Italian politics

On 22 February 2014 President Napolitano appointed Matteo Renzi to the office of President of the Council of Ministers (the correct title according to the Italian constitution). Since then the 39-year-old secretary of the Democratic Party has launched a series of institutional, economic, and social reforms. Claiming that it was of the utmost importance to scrap the old political class and to put Italy back to work, Renzi has already produced significant but, to say the least, controversial changes, as well as many clashes within his party and in the relationship between Italy and the European Union. This article will explore where the changes in his style of governing and in his party will lead the politics of Italy.     

Revenue,finance, and the command economy under the Nationalist government during the Anti-Japanese War

The prolonged Anti-Japanese War caused unprecedented difficulties for revenue, finance, and the national economy, but the Nationalist government was still able to maintain its revenue and to reinforce its banking system. Under the rule of the Nationalist government, order in the financial market was maintained and industry, mining, and agriculture were able to continue during wartime. The main reason for all this was the government's effective implementation of financial and economic policies within a highly centralized system of command economy, which laid the economic foundation for the final victory of China against Japan.     

Welcome home: reconciliation,Vietnam veterans,and Anzac during the Hawke government

Recent studies regarding reconciliation have argued that restorative justice creates depoliticised consensus. This paper tests this argument by exploring the Hawke government’s role in the reconciliation of the Australian public with Vietnam veterans in 1987, and the opportunities that this resolution created to mark Anzac Day free of the complicating tensions that had characterised the day in the period since the Vietnam War. It argues that the restorative justice evident in the reincorporation of Vietnam veterans into national narratives of Anzac provided opportunities for political elites like Hawke to convincingly employ Anzac as an ideograph and inscribe the day with new meaning. This process had profound continuing effects for the marking of Anzac Day that demonstrate the politically limiting effects of restorative justice.     

Editorial opinion and the Whitlam government

Half of the editorials in nine Australian newspapers referred in some way to the national Labor government between December, 1972 and March, 1975. Those editorials were 21 per cent positive towards the government, 37 per cent balanced, and 42 per cent hostile towards the government. The negative 42 per cent kept editorials negative on balance for three‐quarters of the time. Only one poper, The Age, was on balance (mildly) favourable towards the government, the rest were hostile. In their month by month variations in opinion towards the government the papers tended to move up or down together, and they made two general movements downwards and two general movements upwards. Editorial opinion towards the government and public opinion towards the government moved up and down together, with changes in editorial opinion tending to foreshadow and hence possibly helping to shape changes in public opinion. Papers in the states did not resemble each other, and whether papers in the same ownership chains did so depended on the chain. Public opinion varied more with changes in the level of employment than did editorial opinion.⁸