战后美国对法国向现代消费社会转型的影响——一种文化视角

在20世纪期间,源于美国的现代大众消费文化对其他国家的发展产生了巨大影响,法国便是其中比较有代表性的国家.第二次世界大战之后,美国大众文化在法国得到了更为广泛的传播,促使法国人消费理念的变化,成为法国大踏步地迈入现代大众消费社会的主要原因之一.然而法国传统的生活方式并没有因为进入现代大众消费社会而发生本质上的变化,只不过是多了些现代生活的气息而已.     

我们内心的冲突——论霍尼的社会文化精神分析思想

精神分析学派在发展过程中,产生了很多新的分支。到20世纪40年代,美国兴起新精神分析学派即霍妮领导的社会文化学派,他主要强调社会文化的作用,这样就与弗洛伊德的精神分析形成鲜明对比。社会文化思想认为个体的心理和行为是文化的产物,其态度、感情都受到他所生活的那个文化环境的影响。现代工业社会中,人与人之间普遍存在着疏离、惧怕、敌视和怨恨的感觉,这往往使人产生一种孤立无援的失落感,从而形成一种基本焦虑,埋下了产生神经症的隐患。     

"美国化"与德国反美主义的文化释读

反美主义是一种全球现象,反映了世界各国对美国在国际事务中称王称霸的不满,也体现了对美国大众文化向外扩张的抵制。德国的反美主义具有很长的历史,其理论基础是该国精英阶层不能认同美国文化的观念,美国大众文化的广泛传播加剧了德国精英人士的反美情绪。他们会对美国大众文化的进入采取各种形式的抵制,对整个社会形成消极的美国形象产生影响。时至今日,“美国化”依然是德国在维护本国文化认同和生活方式时面对的严峻挑战,也预示着德国的反美主义在未来不仅很难缓和,而且还会呈加剧的态势。     

大学生消费心理与消费行为问题分析及对策

大学生的消费是社会消费的重要组成部分,他们在现代社会的消费观念、生活方式、流行时尚的影响下,消费的心理和行为往往产生彼此间的相互影响,形成特有的群体消费心理特征。本文从大学生消费的心理需求、社会消费环境对大学生消费心理产生的影响出发,以大学生的消费心理为主题,针对他们的消费特点,提倡大学生消费责任意识的培养。     

“人才循环”与“美国人才流失”说:黑白颠倒的伪命题

20世纪末期,一些学者提出了“人才循环”和“美国人才流失”说,认为发展中国家多年来的“人才流失”问题已不复存在.这种观点抹杀了发展中国家人才流失和美国作为全球最大的人才收益国家的史实.第二次世界大战后,回流母国的移民特别是高学历人才比例并不高.他们回国既是个人的选择,也是美国移民政策的限制性和各国人才吸引政策等因素的结果.他们回国后对母国的社会经济发展作出了贡献,但总体而言,在人才的跨国流动中,享受人才对社会与科技发展贡献最多的还是美国.     

郊区化与美国购物城的兴起

零售业集中反映了城市空间结构的变化,是衡量城市发展水平的一个重要指标,值得专门研究.本文通过对美国郊区化和购物城兴起关系的探讨,发现两者有很深的内在联系.在美国已成为郊区居民为主的情况下,购物城仍将存在下去,并保持兴盛局面.这对美国现代社会生活产生了很大的积极影响,但同时它也强化了居住区隔离现象,加深了美国社会两极分化的鸿沟.     

美国不只一个“巴菲特”

巴菲特虽然在这次慈善义举中大笔一挥震惊全球,一跃成为慈善捐款的老大,但是对美国人来说却没有多大的冲击力,因为在美国热衷慈善捐赠的富豪绝非巴氏一家——热衷于社会捐献是美国富翁的一大特点。曾有人戏言,美国富豪的哲学就是“白天赚钱晚上捐”。他们中很多人都认为:在巨富中死去是一种耻辱,活着回馈社会脸上才有光彩。     

自由主义和保守主义政治思潮及其对美国两党政治的影响

自由主义与保守主义是美国最重要的两个政治思潮。现代自由主义与新保守主义作为当下主流的自由、保守主义更是对美国社会产生了重大的影响。民主党具有现代自由主义的倾向,共和党有新保守主义的倾向。现代自由主义与新保守主义在经济、社会、外交等政策领域对两党产生了重要的作用。两种政治思潮相互交锋,某种程度上又在相互借鉴、相互融合,是未来美国政治思潮的发展趋势。     

美国史学界关于美国建国初期商业组织的研究

美国建国初期的商业组织不仅推动了经济发展,而且对社会民主化进程产生了重要影响。在过去一百多年间,美国史学界涌现出众多研究美国建国初期商业组织的论著。美国史学家围绕商业组织的政策制度、思想意识以及商业组织发展中的社会冲突展开讨论。随着研究的不断深入,学者们将商业组织的发展转变看做一个综合体,涉及社会各层面与领域的因素。在这个意义上,经济史变成了政治史和社会史。政治精英的态度、大股东活动与平民百姓生活都融入商业组织发展转变的叙述中,展现了一个时代的发展。     

热战、冷战、冷和:美国全球扩张的战略反思

发展与扩张是美国国策的一条主线。“热战”、“冷战”与“冷和”则是美国基于国内经济与社会发展而对全球扩张的依序相循的三段路径。反法西斯战争是全世界人民的胜利,美国却是世界胜局的最大受益。二次战后初期以来,美国挑起“冷战”,以“经济分流”与“民主工程”令苏联解体,使自身处于一超独大的世界之位。在“冷和”条件下,美国对发展中国家推进“改造工程”,则是其对全球扩张的新目标。三内生互动的解读,有益于人们的深度战略反思。     

The Cold War,the developing world,and the creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), 1953–1957

This article argues that the creation of the IAEA (1953–1957) was shaped by the overlapping dynamics of superpower relations, decolonisation, and the growing influence of the ‘global South’ in the United Nations. During the four years of multilateral and international negotiations, many of the developing countries argued that the new organisation should not exacerbate global inequalities, practice discrimination, or institutionalise ‘atomic colonialism’. While American-Soviet understanding during these negotiations was at times strikingly good, the uranium-producing states and the future recipients of IAEA technical assistance often faced each other as rival blocs. The article is based on multi-archival research at the IAEA and the UN, as well as at the National Archives of the United States, the United Kingdom, and South Africa.     

A Transnational Perspective on Psychosurgery: Beyond Portugal and the United States

The history of psychosurgery is most often recounted as a narrative wherein Portuguese and American physicians play the leading role. It is a traditional narrative in which the United States and, at times, Portugal are central in the development and spread of psychosurgery. Here we largely abandon the archetypal narrative and provide one of the first transnational accounts of psychosurgery to demonstrate the existence of a global psychosurgical community in which more than 40 countries participated, bolstered, critiqued, modified and heralded the treatment. From its inception in 1935 until its decline in the mid-1960s, psychosurgery was performed on almost all continents. Rather than being a phenomenon isolated to the United States and Portugal, it became a truly transnational movement.     

George W. Bush,Barack Obama and the future of US global leadership

The foreign policy world views of George W. Bush and Barack Obama differ dramatically. Bush made terrorism the focal point of his foreign policy and dismissed the idea that either allies or international institutions should constrain America's freedom of action. Obama sees terrorism as one of many transnational problems that require the cooperation of other countries to combat and, as a result, the United States must invest more in diplomatic efforts to build partnerships. Despite these differences, both presidents share one common conviction: that other countries long for US leadership. Bush believed that friends and allies would eventually rally to the side of the United States, even if they bristled at its actions, because they shared America's goals and had faith in its motives. Obama believed that a United States that listened more to others, stressed common interests and favored multinational action would command followers. In practice, however, both visions of American global leadership faltered. Bush discovered that many countries rejected his style of leadership as well as his strategies. Obama discovered that in a globalized world, where power has been more widely dispersed, many countries are not looking to Washington for direction. The future success of US foreign policy depends on the ability of policy‐makers to recognize and adapt to a changing geopolitical environment in which the US remains the most significant military, diplomatic and economic power but finds it, nonetheless, increasingly difficult to drive the global agenda.     

A call for a new Japanese foreign policy: the dilemmas of a stakeholder state

Japanese foreign policy is at a crossroads. A global power transition is under way; while the United States remains the leading global power, across the globe non‐western developing states are on the rise. Within Asia, China is a growing presence, wielding expansive claims on islands and maritime rights, and embarking on a defence buildup. As power shifts across Asia and the wider world, the terms of leadership and global governance have become more uncertain. Japan now finds itself asking basic questions about its own identity and strategic goals as a Great Power. Within this changing context, there are three foreign policy approaches available to Japan: (1) a classical realist line of working closely with the US in meeting China's rise and optimizing deep US engagement with China by pursuing a diplomacy focused on counterbalancing and hedging; (2) a transformative pragmatist line of rejuvenating itself through Abenomics and repositioning itself in East Asia; and (3) a liberal international line of pursuing a common agenda of enhancing global liberal‐oriented norms and rules through multilateral institutions along with the United States and the Asia–Pacific countries. Current Japanese foreign policy contains a mix of all three approaches. The article argues that a greater focus on the second and the third lines would enhance the current approach; it would ensure that Japan is more in harmony with the global environment and help it work positively for global and regional stability and prosperity, thus enabling Japan to pursue an ‘honorable place in the world’ (as stated in the preamble to its constitution).     

Incomplete Sovereigns: Unpacking Patterns of Indigenous Self-Governance in the United States and Canada

ABSTRACT

In the early 1970s, both the Canadian and United States federal governments introduced modern land claim agreements as a first step forward in the states’ recognition of Indigenous goals for self-determination. Since then, both the United States and Canadian federal governments have incrementally expanded their recognition of Indigenous rights to include Indigenous goals for political self-determination. Yet, despite the fact that both countries began implementing broadly similar policies at approximately the same time, the degree to which Indigenous political and economic self-determination has been realized varies considerably both within and between the two countries. The variation in Indigenous self-governing power and authority suggests that the policy shift towards Indigenous self-determination is incomplete and has faced important barriers to implementation. This paper investigates two key aspects of this variation in Indigenous self-determination in the United States and Canada: (1) institutional histories embedded in geography, and (2) the temporal nature of policy frameworks. I argue that the full realization of Indigenous self-determination has been shaped in different ways and, ultimately, is limited by the intersection of embedded institutional legacies and federal political dynamics.     

亚非作家会议与战后中日作家的世界认识

本文以20世纪50年代至60年代开得轰轰烈烈但现在已经被文学史叙述遗忘的亚非作家会议为研究对象,追溯战后中国,日本作家在和亚非新兴的独立国家的文学接近的同时,突破分别以美国,苏联为首的两大阵营对峙的冷战格局,在反对新殖民主义的旗帜下获得广泛开展文学交流基础的历史过程,也对当时中日两国作家出于现实斗争策略考虑,共同回避对近代日本殖民主义历史的反省的时代局限进行了分析。     

Advocating the rules-based order in an era of multipolarity

Faced with eroding United States hegemony and the rise of a more multipolar distribution of global power, Australia has embraced a new foreign policy platform built around advocacy for a ‘rules-based global order’. In this essay I first argue that the emerging characterisation of multipolarity overemphasises the centrality of the United States and overlooks the legacies of Asian colonisation, decolonisation, state-building and local norm development. I then consider the reasons for the embrace of the rules-based global order construct, locating it as an instinctive reaction to issues arising from the South China Sea dispute, the raw use of power, and the inclination to share the ideas of a close ally. I note, however, that linking Australia closely with the United States approach to global rules has drawbacks, given the United States’ explicit attempts to reserve a right to use force outside the UN Charter. I suggest that Australia would be better served by clearly delineating a separation between its military alliance with a United States, a policy for worst-case scenarios, from its support for international law and institutions, which should form the mainstay and leading edge of its foreign policy.     

英语霸权的历史演变——国际关系视角下的语言问题

英语霸权是一种民族国家的语言霸权形式。英美民族国家霸权的历史进程不仅确立了英语在全球国际体系中的霸权地位,而且决定了英语霸权内涵的演变——这是一个从地理平台语言霸权到制度语言霸权,再到软权力语言霸权不断深化的过程。从国际关系的视角来看,语言霸权是文化霸权的核心,其霸道的本质毋庸置疑;英语霸权目前在全球导致了新的社会不平等。对于"平等"的关注和反应,是英语霸权在未来岁月里所面对的最重要的议程。     

Progress before modernization: Foreign interpretations of American development in James Bryce's generation

This essay considers how observers from various national backgrounds explained the late nineteenth‐century United States as a developing nation. Outsiders often portrayed American industrialization, urbanization, corporate capitalism, and similar modernizing trends as manifestations of transnational forces that would eventually reshape their own countries, but they also stressed ways that American development diverged from what was taking place at home. The evolutionary mindset that infused many of these writers ‐ law professor and politician James Bryce being a noteworthy example ‐ encouraged them to view the ‘progress’ of the United States as a product of Darwinian adaptation and variation. The enormous territory and resources held by the United States supposedly rewarded and reinforced the aggressive, enterprising qualities of Anglo‐American culture, which facilitated emergence of a distinctive American civilization. Racial thinking thus pervades these accounts. Nevertheless, they draw attention to ways that environment, resources, and regional dynamics ‐ factors often overlooked in the modernization framework normally applied by historians to this so‐called Gilded Age ‐ drove and molded American development.