刍议毛泽东建党精神与中华民族精神

毛泽东建党学说和建党理论,是马克思主义建党理论与中国实践和中国传统文化相结合的产物。毛泽东建党思想所折射出的建党精神,体现了中华民族生生不息与长盛不衰的民族精神。研究毛泽东建党精神与中华民族精神的关联,对于加强现阶段党的建设以及弘扬伟大的民族精神具有重要的现实意义。     

马列民族理论在中国的发展

马克思民族理论市马克思主义的重要组成部分。中国共产党建党90年赖，在各个发展阶段不断把马克思民族理论和中国实际情况完美结合，提出了一系列与时俱进的民族理论制度，制定了一系列行之有效的民族政策和配套做法。文章简单汇总一下各个时期民族政策，理清脉络，为新形式下民族政策的制定提供参考。     

中共十六大以来马克思主义民族理论中国化的继承与发展北大核心CSSCI

中共十六大以来,以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央坚持把马克思主义民族理论与中国的具体实际相结合,深入回答了新世纪新阶段中国的民族问题;确立了各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展的新阶段民族工作的主题,在民族"平等、团结、互助"的基础上,将"和谐"赋予为社会主义民族关系的重要时代内涵与本质特征。在解决中国民族问题上,以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央与党的三代中央领导集体既一脉相承又与时俱进,深入推进马克思主义民族理论中国化,丰富和发展了党关于中国民族问题的基本理论和政策。     

"三个代表"是马克思主义建党理论的划时代创新

“三个代表”重要思想以总结中国共产党成立以来的历史经验特别是我国改革开放以来的新鲜经验,丰富和发展了马克思主义建党理论。它反映了当代世界与中国的发展变化对党和国家工作的新要求,它是面向新世纪的中国共产党全面加强和改进自身建设的伟大纲领。本从八个方面分析和论述了“三个代表”重要思想对马克思主义建党理论的划世代创新。     

科学发展观——马克思主义民族观的继承发展和创新

以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央对民族问题的科学阐述,是科学发展观思想体系的有机组成部分,是对马克思主义的民族理论的丰富和发展,对新形势下如何开展民族工作,加快中西部民族地区经济社会发展,实现各民族的共同团结进步和繁荣发展,具有极其重大的理论和现实意义。     

邓小平民族理论的形成与发展

马克思、恩格斯创立了马克思主义民族理论,它以辨证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的世界观、方法论,阐明了民族和民族问题发展的客观规律,是马克思科学社会主义思想体系的重要组成部分。邓小平依据马克思主义民族理论基本原理,结合我国民族问题的具体实际,提出了一系列的科学论断,极大的丰富和发展了马克思主义民族理论,使马克思主义民族理论进入一个崭新的阶段,为我们党和国家在新的历史时期制定民族政策和做好民族工作奠定了思想理论基础。因此,本文就关于邓小平民族理论的形成和发展问题谈点个人的认识。邓小平民族理论的形成邓小平关…     

论马克思主义民族理论中国化成果的多维意蕴

随着马克思主义民族理论中国化的深化发展,马克思主义民族理论中国化取得了以中国特色解决民族问题道路、中国化马克思主义民族理论体系和民族区域自治制度"三位一体"的重要成果。马克思主义民族理论中国化成果有其内在统一性,中国特色解决民族问题道路是旗帜和实现途径,中国化马克思主义民族理论体系是行动指南,民族区域自治制度是根本保障。     

马克思主义民族观中国化、当代化的几个问题

马克思主义民族观是马克思主义者及其政党解决民族问题、制定民族政策的理论基础和指导思想,要以科学的态度和创新的精神坚持马克思主义民族观。马克思主义民族观在中国化过程中经历了四个阶段,其中,在科学发展观统领下创建的以＂各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展＂为核心的民族理论、政策体系,是马克思主义民族观中国化、当代化的最新成果。     

建党百年来马克思主义哲学中国化的实践探索与历史经验

党的十八大以来,习近平总书记多次强调"坚持马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合",强调"马克思主义中国化"。回顾建党百年以来马克思主义哲学中国化历程,就要运用马克思主义哲学的立场、观点和方法来解决中国革命、建设和改革的问题,总结和概括中国人民革命、建设与改革的实践经验,揭示中国革命、改革和现代化建设发展的认识范式和客观规律,以丰富和发展马克思主义哲学的理论宝库。     

探索马克思主义基本理论与民族理论相融合的路径

阐述了我国民族高校政治理论课教学应加强马克思主义基本理论与民族理论相融合,分析了马克思主义基本理论是我党制定民族政策的理论依据,民族理论和民族政策是马克思主义基本理论在解决民族问题实践中的具体应用。提出了努力探索马克思主义基本理论与民族理论相融合的路径。     

提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平研究

党的十七届四中全会提出了“不断提高党的建设科学化水平”的重大命题,既对党的建设提出了新要求,也为民族地区加强党的建设指明了方向。提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平,必须从民族地区的实际出发,认真分析民族地区党的建设面临的新形势新任务,在继承民族地区党建工作经验的基础上,将中央对提高党的建设科学化水平的一般性要求与民族地区党的建设工作的实践有机结合起来,找准和把握提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的着力点,积极探求提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的规律,努力探索出一条提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的新路子。     

Under what conditions do ethnic minority candidates attract the ethnic minority vote? How neighbourhood and candidate characteristics affected ethnic affinity voting in the Dutch 2017 parliamentary elections

Ethnic affinity voting is the term for when political party candidates with an ethnic minority background receive a larger share of the vote in ethnically dense neighbourhoods. This study is one of the first to provide a detailed test for ethnic affinity voting during a national election in an open-list proportional representation system, with the same ballots in every polling station. It tests the conditions under which ethnic affinity voting is greater, studying the proportion of votes for ethnic minority candidates at neighbourhood level in the Netherlands in 2017, when a minority-interest party entered parliament and the traditional ethnic vote for the social democratic party (PvdA) imploded. This study disentangles party and candidate effects and finds evidence for (general and specific) ethnic affinity voting at candidate level. Even though ethnic minority candidates attract fewer votes, they perform better in neighbourhoods where more minorities live, especially when the group size of co-ethnics is larger. Ethnic affinity effects are relatively strong for candidates affiliated with minority-oriented and left-wing parties, and absent or negative for ethnic candidates of right-wing parties. Moreover, whether male or female ethnic candidates are more likely to attract the ethnic vote also depends on the ethnic background and party affiliation of the candidate.     

From adversaries to allies: ethnic gerrymandering and ethnic party behaviour in local elections in Macedonia

Constitutional designers often construct political institutions to provide greater autonomy to ethnic minority groups. One tool available to constitutional designers is ‘ethnic gerrymandering’, where the boundaries of local government units are altered to provide greater representation to minority groups. This paper analyses the effects of changes in the ethnic composition of municipalities, which occur as a result of ethnic gerrymandering, on ethnic party behaviour. I compare ethnic party behaviour in local elections in the Republic of Macedonia from 2000 to 2013. I expand on a theory initially proposed by Sherrill Stroschein linking ethnic demography to ethnic party behaviour. I find that changes in the ethnic composition of municipalities influence whether rival ethnic parties engage in outbidding or whether ethnic communities unite behind a single ethnic party. My findings have important implications for those tasked with designing political institutions in ethnically divided societies.     

Tolerant exclusion: expanding constricted narratives of wartime ethnic and civic nationalism1

ABSTRACT. During war, the demarcation ‘enemy alien’– whether on ethnic or civic grounds – can lead to loss of political, social or economic rights. Yet not all minorities are excluded even though they pose problems for civic and ethnic national categories of belonging. This article explores the experiences of an ethno‐religious minority who posed an intriguing dilemma for ethnic and civic categorisation in North America during World War II. The Mennonite experience enables a close examination of the relationship between a minority ethnic (and religious) group and majority concepts of wartime civic and ethnic nationalism. The article supports arguments that both ethnic and civic nationalism produce markers for the exclusion of minority groups during wartime. It reveals that minority groups can unintentionally become part of majority ‘nationalisms’ as the content of what defines the national ideal shifts over time. The experiences also suggest that a minority group can help mobilise symbolic resources that participate in transforming what defines the national ideal.     

Representation and local democracy: Geographical variations in elector to councillor ratios

In a democracy, one person's vote should count as much as another's vote. While a range of factors can affect this, including the electoral system, party support bases, party campaigning, and the effectiveness and identity of representatives, a key principal is that for each political unit the number of electors per representative should be as equal as possible. Only when equality in electorate to representative ratios is established can equity in other demographic infrastructures be pursued. To achieve representation equality in English local authorities the Electoral Commission's Periodic Electoral Review process considers for each electoral ward the number of councillors, current and forecasted electorates and revisions to boundaries. Here, using 2005 boundaries, we examine variations in elector to councillor ratios in England. Comparing these ratios with 2001 Census data, we investigate whether variations relate to ethnic minority population distributions.We found considerable differences in representation ratios between four types of local authority. Generally, County Districts have fewer electors per councillor and therefore better representation ratios. There are progressively higher ratios for Unitary Authorities and London Boroughs; Metropolitan Districts have most electors per councillor. Comparing each ward's ratio with the representation of its associated district we found most wards lie within what might be considered an acceptable range of variation. Sub-district representation variability relates to urban–rural variations in ward extent and the use of one-, two- and three-seat systems. There is no evidence that variations in ward ratios relate systematically to distributions of ethnic minorities. Despite this, to capture local population characteristics, we advise utilising ethnic group demographic characteristics when forecasting electorates.     

乌江流域土司时期文化环境审视

乌江流域土司时期的文化环境是该地社会进步、经济发展和民族团结的现实空间,地域特征极其鲜明。一是有深厚的人文积淀,二是强化的汉文化教育,三是开放的文化心态,四是丰富的物质资源,五是鲜明的民族风情,六是剧烈的社会动荡。笔者认为,理清乌江流域土司时期的文化环境,对挖掘该地深厚的土司文化资源,促进现今民族地区的经济发展、社会进步和民族团结具有十分重要的意义。     

Effecting Equality: Norwegian Health Policy in Finnmark, 1945–1970s

Abstract

At the heart of “the Nordic model of welfare” is a strong will for national integration and social equality between citizens and regions. It is commonly held that that “homogeneity ethnic” is one explanatory factor behind the Nordic model of welfare. On the contrary, we claim that it is the political will to treat the population as homogeneous that influenced the creation of the model, not any factual ethnic homogeneity (which is, after all, a historical fiction, also in the Nordic context). Thus, the pursuit of integration and the strive for regional equality have challenged local autonomy and cultural diversity while at the same time underpinned arguments for a regionalization of politics and, to some extent, for ethnic particularization. Drawn between a strong state and local authority, universalism and particularization, welfare and health policies have reshaped the relationship between center and peripheries and between the majority and ethnic minorities.

The integration of the county of Finnmark into the national system of institutionalized welfare in Norway after World War II constitutes a good case to investigate not only the will, but also the ability, for national integration and equalization along the dimensions of centre–periphery and majority–minority relations, not only because of the county's position furthest to the north, but also because it held the largest minority populations. This article examines Norwegian policies to establish and effect equality between Finnmark and other regions in the field of health care facilities from 1945 until the 1970s, and the attempts to establish equal access to health services between the Sámi minority and the Norwegian majority population in Finnmark. It sheds light upon how the immanent conflict between the ideals of a national, universal welfare policy and particular measures in favor of the Sámi was conceived in the period. (The authors expected multi-culturality to be clearly visible in the sources. It was, but only with regard to one minority group, the Sámi. The Kvens were not discussed by the policy-makers in the period.) Furthermore, it has been argued that in the shaping and implementation of Norwegian health policies in the first years after World War II, primacy was given to expert knowledge. A particular point of interest in this article is how this primacy manifested itself in the choices of political strategies of universalism and particularism within the field of health policy in this particular geographical setting.     

新中国社会主义卫生事业和防疫体系的创立与发展

新中国社会主义卫生事业的创立和发展带有鲜明的时代变革特点,在中共中央领导下,党和政府在建国初高度重视发展新中国卫生事业,不仅迅速改变了广大农村医疗卫生事业极度落后的局面,大力开展妇幼卫生保健,而且开创了少数民族地区医疗卫生工作新领域,对促进少数民族地区社会文明进步具有重大意义。与此同时,还建立了面向全民预防为主的新中国卫生防疫体系,对新中国卫生事业的全面进步产生了深远的影响。     

Catholic,Irish and Nationalist: evaluating the importance of ethno‐national and ethno‐religious variables in determining nationalist political allegiance in Northern Ireland

Irish national identity, political nationalism and Catholicism are the defining characteristics of the minority community in Northern Ireland. These identifiable ethno‐national and ethno‐religious characteristics have been the basis of communal solidarity that has transcended increasing socio‐economic heterogeneity within that community. Both of the Nationalist political parties in Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), draw their support almost exclusively from their community of origin. What is not known, however, is the relative importance of Irishness, Catholicism and Nationalism in shaping support for either party. Which of these ethnic identifiers is of greatest salience in identifying support for Sinn Féin or the SDLP? Drawing upon recent election survey evidence, this article attempts to rectify this information deficit, highlighting the weighting of components of ethnicity in determining intra‐bloc political allegiances.