The Activist Polis: Topologies of Conflict in Indigenous Solidarity Activism

Interpersonal conflict poses a serious threat to social justice activism. In the context of indigenous solidarity activism in southern Arizona, conflicts are often born of the challenges accompanying differentials in social privilege due to differences in race and ethnicity relative to white supremacist settler colonialism. This paper examines activist collaboration between Tohono O'odham and non‐Native anarchist activists in southern Arizona, arguing that a topological activist polis is a useful lens through which we can better understand the roots of conflict in social justice activism. Non‐Native activists are often aware of the ways white supremacist settler colonial society privileges particular identities while marginalizing others. Nonetheless, settler and white privilege give rise to tensions which can be seen topologically through the very different relationships non‐Native and indigenous activists have to ongoing processes of white supremacy and to histories of the genocide of indigenous peoples.     

Anti-racist activism and the memory of colonialism: race as Republican critique after 2005

In 2005, French public debates increasingly focused on coming to terms with the memory of colonialism. This new interest in the country’s colonial history owed a great deal to the activity of a new kind of anti-racist organisation that prioritised the need to trigger a broad public debate about issues of race and memory. This article will examine the emergence of two of these organisations: Les Indigènes de la République and the Conseil Représentatif des Associations Noires. Both organisations were founded in 2005 and established themselves as well-known actors in France’s anti-racist scene through the appropriation of different aspects of France’s memory of colonialism. Indeed, their interventions concentrated on the way colonial legacies influenced contemporary Republican discourse and especially on the role of ‘race’ in contemporary France. Simultaneously, however, these organisations differed in their goals and understandings of activism. Through their cases, this piece will argue that anti-racist activists initiated a public debate on the memory of colonialism in order to find new ways to combat contemporary discrimination in France rather than thematising memory for the sake of remembrance.     

Political tourism in the Israeli‐Palestinian space (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

With the violent clashes that took place in May 2010 during the attempt by the Free Gaza movement flotilla to break the blockade of the Gaza Strip, the remarkable strength of pro‐Palestinian networks became globally apparent. Drawing on an ethnography of political activism in the Israeli‐Palestinian space, we suggest that the striking visibility of these networks does not exclusively derive from the prominence of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflicts, but is also a consequence of the activists’ ability to produce innovative forms of sociality. However, some of the approaches taken can exist in problematic relation to the experiences of people who live with the conflict. In this context, the issue is not so much the precise relationships between indigenous ‘truths’ in Palestine and their foreign representations, but the way in which encounters redefine the conflicts that activist networks seek to represent.     

Territoriality, social justice and gendered revolutions in the speeches of Malcolm X

Geographers have, in recent years, attempted to develop an anti-racist research and teaching agenda. Critical to this endeavour has been an engagement directly with the theories and philosophies of key activists and scholars, such as W. E. B. DuBois and Richard Wright. Contributing to this effort, I provide a study of Malcolm X. As an activist and outspoken member of the African American Civil Rights Movement during the 1950s and 1960s, Malcolm X re-articulated Black radical thought in significant ways. In particular, Malcolm X placed a territorial dimension at the heart of the Civil Rights Movement and in so doing re-conceptualized the theoretical and practical linkages between the African American movement and other 'Third World' movements. The immediate purpose of this paper therefore is to delineate the territorial dimensions of the revolutionary thought of Malcolm X. Heuristically, this paper is situated within four broad areas of inquiry: revolutions and social movements; the thinking of space; anti-racist geographies; and the imbrication of gender and revolutionary thought. More broadly, however, this paper reiterates the call for a more sustained engagement by geographers on the theories and philosophies of Black radical intellectuals.     

Sweden’s Historical Mission and World War I

Swedish activism was a political movement during World War I that demanded Sweden’s entrance into the war as an ally of Germany. The article proposes a more systematic way of conceptualizing the nature of this movement, based on the activists’ beliefs about Sweden’s geographical and historical situation, their region-building goals, and the response to the war. The second and simultaneous aim is to suggest a way of distinguishing more clearly between ‘activism proper’ and other, closely-related viewpoints of the time (‘activist tendencies’).     

Afterword

ABSTRACT

In approaching history as a site of scholarly analysis and activist praxis, the papers in this volume open up new ways to think ethnographic and archival methods together. This afterword considers how these activist ethnographic representations work as part of the ethical and analytic commitments of contemporary anthropology more broadly. I ask what possibilities are opened when we as scholars think with other people’s struggles. Such dialogic encounter is a way in which activist anthropologies create possibilities for new imaginative frontiers and shared projects.     

Clean foods,motherhood and alternative food networks in contemporary Istanbul

Since the early 2000s, the numbers of alternative food networks (AFNs) in Istanbul have increased significantly. Members are usually white collar, university educated, upper middle class Istanbulites who got into the AFNs during their (or their partner’s) pregnancy. Contributing to an ongoing discussion about the exclusionary dynamics within the food movement, in this paper I trace the meanings these affluent mothers attach to “clean and fresh foods” and AFN participation-membership. Using evidence from semi-structured interviews, I argue that they link their identity as food activists and their identity as mothers, and they use motherhood discursively to distinguish themselves from others - particularly lower-class mothers who are not AFN members, and women who are AFN members, but are not mothers. Further reinforcing the socio-economic boundaries and hierarchies within (and beyond) the AFNs, these discourses on motherhood also undermine the expansive potential of the food movement in Turkey.     

The contentious politics of hydropower dam impact assessments in the Mekong River basin

Since the 1990s, many large hydropower dams have been built in the Mekong River Basin. There has been considerable concern about resettlement and compensation linked to reservoir flooding, as well as the impacts of dams on wild-capture fisheries, riparian livelihoods, and aquatic biodiversity and ecosystems. Anti-dam activists in the Mekong Basin have contested these impacts by claiming that dam impact assessments limit the spatial scale of recognized impact areas in order to reduce both the political backlash against projects and the costs of dam development. In this article, we consider the contentious politics of hydropower dam impact assessments in order to understand how the spatial strategies of anti-dam activists influence the recognized scale of dam impacts. We analyze three of the most contested hydropower projects in the Mekong River Basin: the operational Pak Mun dam in northeastern Thailand, the recently completed Lower Sesan 2 dam in northeastern Cambodia, and the planned Sambor dam on the mainstream Mekong River in Cambodia. We argue that the recognized scale of impacts is in part an outcome of anti-dam activists’ different spatial imaginaries and associated scale frames—along with those of state actors, business interests, and project consultants—that inform activist strategies for mobilizing geographically dispersed people to make claims about dam impacts. Although activists have sometimes challenged the spatial extent of project impact assessments, they have also sometimes inadvertently adopted strategies to contest dams that have reproduced project scale frames favorable to dam proponents.     

When all seemed lost. A social network analysis of the waste-related environmental movement in Campania,Italy

The Italian region of Campania and its capital Naples have epitomized waste management failure in Europe since 2008 when international media covered extensively the waste crisis occurring there. In response to the crisis, the Italian national government took an authoritarian turn in waste policies and criminalized citizens' grievances and mobilizations against waste-facility siting in Campania. The state authorities' intervention gained popular consent and obscured the multifaceted and unjust geographies of waste management in the region. It was a serious blow for the waste-related justice movement in Campania. However, just when waste management seemed under control the movement re-emerged stronger and more effective than it had been prior to the 2008 crisis. Activists created a new counter narrative and liberated themselves from the constraints imposed by the repressive measures of the national government. They built a new frame around the unhealthy space, whose expansion, they maintained, was caused by the waste-related contamination. Yet the strength of the movement and its transformation following 2008 can only be fully understood when the structural property and the components of the EJ activists’ networks are also considered. We apply a Social Network Analysis to show how an effective environmental justice movement requires a cohesive and robust network as well as a comprehensive narrative. The waste-related movement in Campania went from being an archipelago of isolated clusters of organizations with a plural but fragmented claims (before 2008), to a tightly interconnected network supporting a unified political platform (after 2008). We link together the reframing of the movement around health issues with the reconfiguration of activist networks. We use the Campania case to show how environmental justice movements might overcome repression and criminalization and progress toward social justice and ecologically sound transformations.     

The “Commons” Versus the “Commodity”: Alter‐globalization,Anti‐privatization and the Human Right to Water in the Global South

Abstract: In response to the growth of private sector involvement in water supply management globally, anti‐privatization campaigns for a human right to water have emerged in recent years. Simultaneously, alter‐globalization activists have promoted alternative water governance models through North‐South red‐green alliances between organized labour, environmental groups, women's groups, and indigenous groups. In this paper, I explore these distinct (albeit overlapping) responses to water privatization. I first present a generic conceptual model of market environmentalist reforms, and explore the contribution of this framework to debates over ‘neoliberalizing nature’. This conceptual framework is applied to the case of anti‐privatization activism to elucidate the limitations of the human right to water as a conceptual counterpoint to privatization, and as an activist strategy. In contrast, I argue that alter‐globalization strategies—centred on concepts of the commons—are more conceptually coherent, and also more successful as activist strategies. The paper concludes with a reiteration of the need for greater conceptual precision in our analyses of neoliberalization, for both academics and activists.     

Peace through the lens of human rights: Mapping spaces of peace in the advocacy of Colombian human rights defenders

What kinds of peace do human rights defenders advocate? This question has become controversial in light of heavy criticisms raised against the scholarly paradigm that peace and human rights are co-constitutive universals. In this article, I explore how Colombian human rights defenders navigate potential tensions, erasures, and vested politics in their peace advocacy during the current peace process with the FARC-EP. I follow the trend in the geographies of peace literature to study the articulation of peace with human rights as situated and constitutive practices. My analysis of published activist statements maps out the discursivity of peace advocacy, that is, how human rights defenders articulate different political demands as interconnected conditions for peace and maintain a common activist space that cuts across the uneven geographies of violence in Colombia. The visualization of my results as discursive networks shows how activist practices open social and discursive spaces that integrate multiple understandings of peace, instead of obliterating differences in a single and homogenized, ‘local’ representation of peace. I further submit that elucidating how human rights defenders address peace beyond the end of guerrilla insurgency, the ambiguous role of the state, societal discrimination, and structural transformations helps us nuancing conceptual debates. We can learn from Colombian activists to move beyond rigid conceptual juxtapositions of human rights as either panacea or liberal fuel for conflict and to pay attention to how concepts are animated in political struggles to end violence.     

‘Accidents’ and invisibilities: Scaled discourse and the naturalization of regulatory neglect in California's pesticide drift conflict

In this paper, I draw on the politics of scale literature in order to discuss the strategic use of scale as a framing device. I argue that scale-based framings can gain effectiveness through capitalizing on longstanding social inequalities and thus deserve careful consideration for their abilities to reinforce those inequalities and obscure ongoing illness. I discuss the ways in which actors in the present conflict over agricultural pesticide drift in California discursively engage scale in order to reframe the issue and justify (or, in other cases, contest) minimal regulatory response. I argue that the predominant scale-based framing of pesticide drift as a series of particularized, local ‘accidents’ gains its effectiveness through multiple intersections with long-standing social invisibilities and injustices endured by California's farmworkers, with the problematic results of rendering pollution invisible and naturalizing regulatory neglect. I also introduce the efforts of pesticide drift activists to ‘push up’ the framing of the issue, improve their political traction at the statewide level, and justify their demands for precautionary, health-based restrictions on the use of agricultural pesticides. Finally, I conclude by applying this analysis to recent debates for devolved environmental governance and problematizing the tendency to associate local governance and social justice.     

ANTI-RACISM IN ‘WHITE’ AREAS: THE EXAMPLE OF TYNESIDE*

This paper discusses the development of anti-racist consciousness amongst educationalists in a predominantly white location in Britain (Tyneside). The notion that the emergence of anti-racism in ‘white’ areas can be adequately conceptualized in terms of anti-racism's move from ‘multiracial’ locations is rejected. It is argued that the development of anti-racist attitudes amongst Tyneside educationalists needs to be examined in terms of their experiences of working and living in the area. Through the use of a series of interviews it is shown how this group has reformulated anti-racism in the light of local social conditions.     

Augustine on Justice: A Reconsideration of City of God,Book 19

I argue that Augustine’s message in City of God, Book 19, has been consistently misinterpreted and hence a vital part of his argument in City of God has been misunderstood. The received reading of Book 19, as found in the work of Mary Clark, Rowan Williams, John Milbank, Oliver O’Donovan and Robert Dodaro, is that in Book 19 Augustine rejected the possibility of finding social and political justice among pagans. I argue that Augustine reached no such conclusion in Book 19. On the contrary, I find that the only justice that Augustine denied to pagans in Book 19 was justice as righteousness, that is, the justice of worshipping and serving the true God. He found that pagans claimed justice as righteousness for themselves and on this basis claimed that Rome had been a republic. Augustine denied that pagans could ever possess justice as righteousness, and hence denied that pagan Rome had ever been a republic.     

Wake up,Russia! Political activism and the reanimation of agency

When protest movements do not achieve policy outcomes, they are often considered failures. But as I learned while working with feminist and pro‐LGBT activists in Moscow's radical left, becoming a political activist may in itself be an important form of resistance to overwhelming and demoralizing power structures. During the mass anti‐Putin protests of 2011–2012, which were widely experienced as an awakening of political subjectivities, to talk with activists about what constituted “politics” was to talk about the possibility of agency in the face of what often appears to be overwhelming constraint. Activism can thus be as much a form of subjectivity work as a means of changing public policy.     

Is ‘white nationalism’, nationalism?

Are ‘white nationalists’ really nationalists? This label is one that right-wing, white activists themselves have chosen, and as such, compels rigorous investigation to avoid simply adopting the preferred nomenclature of these activists and their ambitions. The nation and nationalism are concepts with rich scholarly histories, and this paper seeks to examine the discussion, activities and statements of so-called white nationalists in light of this literature. We argue through a three-fold concept of the nation—based on territoriality, population and symbolic and/or cultural content—that the vision of the political community and ambitions of these activists falls short of the standard of a nation and that their aspirations do not conform to what the literature lays out as nationalism. We argue, therefore, that using the language of ‘white nationalism’ to describe these groups obfuscates and sanitises their motives and lends undue legitimacy to their standing in public discourse.     

The Future of International Criminal Evidence in New Wars? The Evolution of the Commission for International Justice and Accountability (CIJA)

This article explores the intellectual formation of the Commission for International Justice and Accountability (CIJA). It illuminates how the development of the CIJA was an attempt by state and non-state actors to affect the course of international criminal justice in Syria and Iraq. First, this article argues that the CIJA was the result of four factors: the UK Foreign Office’s desire to support human rights activists in Syria; lessons learned from previous international criminal tribunals; attempts by non-state legal practitioners to invent new ways to overcome the gaps and limitations of the international criminal justice system; and the willingness of Syrian civil society to risk their lives and use the law to hold those responsible for mass atrocities to account. Second, the article argues that as non-state actors with a focus on evidence management, the CIJA may represent an innovative approach to investigating mass atrocities, particularly for activists and civil society actors who wish to play a role in evidence management in new wars. Lastly, it shows how the CIJA may work in parallel with international mechanisms, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and other inter-state actors, to collect evidence of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in new wars, particularly when the ICC is unable to do so. This study combines qualitative research with empirical analysis and draws on a range of primary and secondary sources, including a number of interviews conducted with CIJA personnel, former ICC practitioners, and other practitioners in international criminal law.     

Can 28 Days Make A Difference? A Case Study of Community Aid Abroad’s Community Leadership Program

As one of Australia’s largest and most active non‐governmental development assistance organisations, Community Aid Abroad‐Oxfam Australia (CAA) places development education and advocacy among its priorities. This study evaluated one of CAA’s development education programs to determine if a program lasting only twenty‐eight days could heighten participants’ awareness of social justice issues sufficiently to be considered successful. The research aimed to determine what participants’ pre‐program expectations were, and if after completing the program, participants believed that they had been changed sufficiently by the experience to become activists for social justice, thus fulfilling CAA’s stated reason for running the program. The study revealed that all participants had their positive expectations of the program met and all hoped, and most expected, to become activists for social justice in some way in the future. It was therefore concluded that, in the context of a development education program with a limited number of annual participants, 28 days does make a difference.     

Cultural Barriers to Activist Networking: Habitus (In)action in Three European Transnational Encounters

Transnational coordination is a key aspiration of activists seeking to mobilize globally, yet the literature pays insufficient attention to the impact of cultural differences on transnational networking. In this article I draw on ethnographic data from three European autonomous social movement encounters in the Global Justice Movement (2002–2004) to demonstrate the impact of culture clashes between activists on transnational networking. I use the concept of habitus to explore how routinized, taken for granted, symbolic systems of meaning that individuals from shared locations have in common shape their interactions in transnational encounters. This conception of culture is underutilized in social movement analysis yet offers important insights into internal movement dynamics. I argue that despite the autonomous commitment to radical openness and plurality, a lack of attention to the empirical reality of place‐based activist subcultures and habitus actually works against the “cosmopolitanism” that many activists and scholars aspire to.