美国村镇制度的演变

村镇制度是美国历史上的一个重要问题。村镇制度经历了一个长期的历史嬗变过程,在不同时期和不同领域,它具有不同的含义。在英国早期历史上,它是一种具有有限民事职能的自治组织;在殖民地时期的新英格兰,它具有“村镇移植”的含义,主要是一种土地分配和处理以及人口移植制度;依据美国1785年《土地法令》确定的土地测量制度,村镇完全成为一种土地测量单位;随着美国西部的开发与领地和州的组建,村镇又成为西部某些州的基层政治组织单位。综观美国村镇制度的整个演变过程,它既有明显的演变阶段性,又有各种制度相互交叉和平行存在的特征。     

美国消费者保护机构与消费争议解决

美国消费者保护制度完备,与美国消费者保护机构以及消费者有效救济具有直接关系。美国消费者保护机构不仅涉及不同层次的政府机关。也涉及民间机构。同时消费者有效救济是获得保护关键,具有美国消费者定义宽泛,救济选择途径多,获得救济充分特点,这些制度有效保护美国消费者的利益。     

美国历史上的土地测量制度

土地测量是美国公地处理中的一项重要制度,它为地产的划分和土地的买卖提供了强有力的支持手段.土地测量在美国西部大开发过程中起到难以估量的巨大作用.美国土地测量中的村镇制度经历了村镇移植到村镇划分的嬗变过程,即由先前的人的移植变为后来纯粹的土地的划分.     

土地撂荒的制度约束与政策救济

统分结合的家庭联产承包责任制度经过近40年的运行,已显现出对农业生产的障碍与约束,特别是对大农业生产的排斥,甚至在一些地方产生了对土地制度的"内卷化"回应,其突出的表现就是土地撂荒。一方面土地撂荒根源于家庭联产承包责任制度的历史惯性和传统文化的路径依赖;另一方面,家庭联产承包责任制度中存在着普遍实行和责任制本身包含的分离——重组机制,这给土地撂荒提供了必然的发生机制。在社会主义条件下,要改变土地撂荒的现状,就要从产权救济、制度救济、经济救济、保障救济四个方面调整,发挥土地产权的激励和稳定预期的功能,调动土地使用者的积极性,从而制约土地撂荒的发生。     

"宅地农场议案"在国会的辩论及其通过

《宅地农场法》是美国历史上最重要的一项土地法令,它深深植根于美国悠久的免费分配土地的历史传统之中。“宅地农场议案”在国会的辩论成为美国历史上最激烈和最感情化的一次漫长辩论。它同美国南、北、西三大地理区域关系、奴隶制与反奴隶制的斗争紧密地交织在一起。这一议案的通过,标志着西部和北部争取民主自由、反对奴隶制斗争的胜利,使美国的土地制度进一步民主化。     

1958年美国《国防教育法》研究现状探究北大核心CSSCI

1958年《国防教育法》是二战后美国第一部影响深远的教育立法,在美国历史上具有里程碑意义。法案实施后提高了美国的教育质量,推动美国高等教育进入了黄金发展时期,在美国的教育强国进程中发挥了重要作用。法案自诞生以来就引起了社会的广泛关注,学界对该法案的研究也取得了一定的成果。这些成果使我们对法案的来龙去脉有了清晰的认识,为我国的高等教育改革和国防事业发展提供了经验,也引发了我们对法案未来研究趋势的思考。     

美国1973年《濒危物种法》的时代背景与历史地位北大核心CSSCI

美国国会于1973年通过的《濒危物种法》是世界历史上一部极其重要的物种保护法,对维护美国的生物多样性发挥了重要作用。20世纪六七十年代现代环保运动的兴起和高涨,以及美国社会和联邦政府对环境问题的重视,成为这部法案出台的时代背景。随着濒危物种灭绝速度的加快,生态学和环境伦理学的发展使人们对物种的认识发生变化,成为该法案得以出台的直接推动因素。在以往物种保护政策实践的基础上,该法案制定了更加严苛的法律制度和实施机制,确立了维护生物多样性的立法理念。该法案首次在法律术语上赋予“濒危物种”以权利,体现了生态主义理念与环境伦理的影响,同时对其他国家濒危物种保护具有借鉴意义。     

美国西部野马的驯养使用与保护

19世纪末 ,美国西部有数百万匹野马。这些野马起源于西班牙殖民者运抵新大陆的“西班牙马”。牛仔们在长期的实践中 ,形成围捕和驯化野马的有效方法 ,使驯服的野马为人类服务。马对美国西部开发和美国的现代化进程起了应有的作用。现代交通运输工具和农业机械取代马匹后 ,退役的饲养马成为制造宠物食品的原料 ,野马也因此遭到猎杀 ,濒临灭绝。韦尔玛·约翰斯顿经过 2 0余年的不懈努力 ,最终使美国国会于 1 971年通过一项保护野马的法案。     

唐人街转型

华人移民美国的历史最早可以追溯到19世纪40年代末。早期到达美国的华人,大多是应美国西部的大开发和修铁路而被招募来的劳工或苦力。这些早期来美国的华工本不打算在美国扎根。他们的理想在于淘金发财然后衣锦还乡。可是当矿业衰退和铁路修成后,他们很快发现自己成了被歧视和排斥的对象。在排华法案的制约和美国社会不予接纳的情况下。     

美国西部开发的政治影响分析

美国西部开发有很深远的政治影响．西部新州加入联邦改变了美国政治舞台的区域力量构成；西部民主制度的确立和发展加速了美国政治民主化的趋势；西部开发加尉南北矛盾，但却有利于自由劳动制度的全面胜利；西部开发影响着美国两党制的形成与确立。     

罗斯福新政时期美国文官政治化倾向的加强

新政时期,罗斯福总统在扩大政府规模的过程中,通过“政治庇护制”任命文官,使行政部门特别是行政部门中的“政治文官”以多种方式直接参与立法和政策的制订,自主地执行联邦政府的政策,导致美国文官政治化倾向的加强。这种现象不仅源于政治与行政的特殊关系,源于“政治文官”自身的优势,也源于美国特殊的政治体制和社会结构。     

LAND AND HOUSING IN THE USSR DURING THE GORBACHEV YEARS

An American urban and regional scholar familiar with the Soviet scene surveys changes in USSR and republic legislation on housing and land (both urban and rural) and outlines “grey” areas falling in the gap between extant Soviet law and yet-to-be-enacted republican legislation. He identifies changes in the land use pattern which can be expected as land begins to be transformed into a form of property where use decisions predominantly are made by private actors. A final section focuses upon the potential significance of these changes, to the extent they materialize, for urban theory in general.     

Politicians,Merchants, and Colonial Maritime War: The Political and Economic Background of the American Act of 1708

During the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–13), there were attempts to support colonial maritime war by legislation, and the American Act of 1708 can be seen as their culmination. Historians who study privateering or colonial history have referred to this act in several contexts, such as reform in prize administration, naval impressment in American colonies, and Spanish‐American trade. However, the political and economic interests behind this act have not been fully investigated. By examining the process of the enactment of the American Act together with antecedent attempts to promote colonial maritime war in parliament, this article reveals the political and vested interests involved in the act, the relations between them, and the influence they had on the content of the act. This analysis will show the complex interaction between politics, trade, and colonial maritime war in the early‐18th‐century American colonies.     

农村土地流转方式的立法选择与完善

农村土地承包经营权流转制度是土地承包经营制度的核心之一,而土地流转方式的选择对于农村土地流转而言,是至关重要的一环。从我国立法的角度来看,抵押是立法应特殊规定的流转方式,转让是应允许为单独的流转方式,而入股是立法应突破的流转方式。以此促使土地承包经营权流转的多元化和利益的最佳化、最大化,以求达到农村土地流转各方利益的平衡与协调,促进农村、农业的稳步发展与进步。     

Governing Civil Society in Cambodia: Implications of the NGO Law for the “Rule of Law”

Abstract

This article reviews the introduction of the 2015 Law on Associations and Non-governmental Organisations in Cambodia (“NGO Law”) from 2011–17 and explores its connection to the rule of law. After outlining the content, definitions and regulatory environment related to the NGO Law, it provides a commentary on its initial application, and examines its potential articulation with other legislation (such as defamation and libel, telecommunications law and land law). I argue that the NGO Law should be characterised as a carefully crafted piece of legislation, developed and defended over time by the ruling political party to increase control and intimidation by invoking adherence to the “rule of law”. Narratives of national security, terrorism, neutrality and cultural cohesion have been interwoven with new regulatory requirements to obfuscate overt political interference. The article argues that the NGO Law intersects with, and consolidates, the recent trend of the government’s use of legislation as a political tool to control and manipulate political opponents and government critics. This is not to deny that there are areas of civil society action and service provision that require greater government control via regulatory compliance. Nevertheless, the state’s attempts to tighten civil space are being met with resistance and “work around” strategies from the plethora of diverse organisations functioning in Cambodia.     

The Waitangi tribunal in New Zealand

The Waitangi Tribunal has been initiating major changes in New Zealand in the relationships of Maori and Pakeha. It has helped to revitalise the Treaty of Waitangi to redress Maori grievances over land, fisheries and many other matters. The paper outlines the jurisdiction, composition and procedures of the Tribunal and discusses the Treaty briefly. The Treaty and Maori rights have been given little recognition in legislation until recently and consequently little recognition by the Courts. A major decision of the Appeal Court in 1987 in relation to land held by State‐owned enterprises is discussed, leading to a consideration of the partnership principle fundamental to the Treaty. Because the Tribunal is not exclusively concerned with judicial questions but has a political role as well, its relations with government and administration have to be considered in some detail. Notwithstanding criticism of it and the belief of some that it should have more power, the Tribunal is a major instrument of reform in New Zealand.     

Colonialism, Past and Present, in New Mexico

San Jose de las Huertas was established as a land grant community by the Spanish crown in 1765 and occupied for about 60 years. Many of its residents returned to the area after a brief respite, to found the village of Placitas, which exists today. Archaeological excavation at Las Huertas, documentary research and oral history from descendants of the original settlers reveal the shifting impact of different colonialisms, each accompanied by an image of modernity. Spanish demands were attenuated by distance and waning power. American impositions are more problematic, involving a new political economy, conflicts over land and water, as Placitas converts to a bedroom suburb of Albuquerque.     

Nationalizing international relief: Romanian responses to American aid for children in the Great War era

ABSTRACT

This article examines the interactions between American humanitarian agendas and initiatives and domestic efforts for child relief in Romania in the aftermath of the Great War. While focusing on the presence of the European Children’s Fund (ECF) in post-war Romania, the article traces the domestic organization of relief, the Romanian elites’ turn to American humanitarian assistance, and their active responses to this external aid on behalf of war-suffering children. The article argues that Romanian leadership of child welfare initiatives nationalized American humanitarian aid by integrating ECF’s institutional efforts into domestically established philanthropic associations. This nationalization was sustained in three key ways: (1) American humanitarians’ own engagement of local channels in aid diffusion; (2) the growing network of national associations of child welfare in post-war Romania; (3) the competing political agendas of both donors and recipients. The case of Romanian responses to American aid for children, and its eventual domestic institutionalization, challenges the seemingly unequal relationship between Western donors and East-Central European recipients during a period of post-war reconstruction and sociopolitical transformation. It sheds light on the transnational dimension of the humanitarian process, driven by the dual agency of foreign humanitarians and domestic interlocutors in the country of aid reception.     

The President and the Public: Inaugural Addresses in American History

This article examines presidential inaugural addresses to gain a perspective on the changing relationship between the people and the presidency throughout American political history. The analysis suggests three distinct models of inaugural address—constitutional, party, and plebiscitary—each articulating a different understanding of presidential leadership and the relationship between the presidency and the people. The constitutional presidents see themselves largely as restrained, constitutional officers with a minimal relationship to the people. The party model yields a role for the president which is more tied to the people's will, especially as expressed through party. Even though tied more strongly to the public, party presidents recognize constitutional limits on their roles and powers. Plebiscitary presidents often eschew party affiliation and the guise of constrained constitutional officer, and cast themselves as engines of the American political system fully tied to public opinion. Plebiscitary presidents often make few references to other political actors or to the Constitution. Beyond helping us to better understand the contours of American political development, this analysis challenges the prevalent assumption in studies of the presidency that nineteenth-century presidents were not popular or “public” leaders.