难忘的伟人风采

孙中山断发以铭革命之志孙中山的一生都在为中国的命运奔走:1894年他上书李鸿章,主张变法自强,遭拒绝;同年11月24日,他在檀香山建立兴中会,提出了“驱逐鞑虏,恢复中国,创立合众政府”的主张;1896年孙中山断发改装,赴檀香山、美国和英国等地进行革命活动;1905年他创建同盟会,提出“民主、民权、民生”;1913年     

资政院第一次常年会中立宪派政治主张述论

资产阶级立宪派是活跃于20世纪初中国政治舞台的一支重要力量。对于海外康梁立宪派、国内各省谘议局立宪派的政治态度,史学界已多有论列,但对于资政院内的立宪派则鲜有论说。笔者不揣浅陋,拟就资政院第一次常年会中立宪派的政治主张试作探析。1910年10月3日,资政院第一次常年会在京城贡院正式开幕。资政院议员定额为二百名,其中钦选、民选议员各半。钦选议员由皇帝指派;民选议员又叫互选议员,系各省诸议局按本局议员十五分之一的比例,选举其优秀而有假炼者充任。一般说来,“凡民选者,以为必当攻击政府;钦选者,以为必当为政府辨…     

孔子何以称为儒家刍议

一孔子是我国历史上儒家学派的创始人,但是这个儒家之“儒”应当如何说解,目前看法,仍有分歧。胡适说:“需”字古与“耎”相通,《广雅·释诂》:“耎,弱也。”“耎”即今“软”字,因而他主张儒是“外貌表示文弱迂缓的人”,并说“儒是柔懦之人。”郭沫若则说:“儒之本意诚然是柔,但不是由于他们本是奴隶而习于服从精神的柔,而是由于本是贵族而不事生产的筋骨的柔。古     

长随行政述论

所谓“长随”,赵翼《廿二史札记》卷36说,即“官场中雇佣之仆人”。虽云“仆人”,但与当时的“家奴”有别。汪辉祖《学治臆说》卷上说:“长随与契买家奴不同,勿去勿来,事无常主”。汪氏指二者的不同,只说得其现象;其实,联系赵说则二者的本质区别——“雇佣”与“契买”明矣!长随的“雇主”是“官场”,准确地说是“现任的”官员。官场中有另一种性质的雇佣人员即书吏、差役,它们的雇主是政府不是官员。长随虽然是主官私人的雇员,而有“家人”、“家丁”的称谓,但它又是服务于官场的,换言之,长随是适应政府行政的产物。     

如此审问

抗战前,七君子被捕。在法庭上,审判长问王造时：“你们主张建立一个统一的抗敌政权,是不是要推翻现政府呢？”王造时说：“审判长先生,你把政府跟政权混为一谈了!政府,乃国家行政机关,是国家机构的组成部分。政权。则是指国家权力,亦即统治阶级实行阶级统治的权力,由军队、警察、法庭、监狱等暴力机构保证其实现……审判长先生,你所问的政权推翻某政府,这样的问题就是逻辑混乱,概念错误!”     

论资政院中的立宪派议员

资政院开会期间,立宪派议员展开了积极的政治活动,在他们的努力下,资政院讨论并通过了一系列议案。立宪派议员表现出明显的软弱性和局限性。他们对许多重要的议案不能始终坚持,往往不了了之;他们没有形成统一的组织和领导,意见不一致,行动不协调;他们敌视群众运动,主张予以镇压;他们对时局的影响也因受许多方面的制约而十分有限。虽然立宪派议员提出的许多议案没有得到实施,他们关于实行立宪制度的主张也因而没有能够实现,但是这些议案符合中国社会的发展方向,具有进步意义。而且,这些议案的提出,对于破除专制思想和动摇清朝专制政府的权威都起到了积极作用。与其他立宪派相比,资政院中的立宪派议员具有更大的政治影响;立宪派议员与革命派在改革政治、推翻专制制度和救亡图存方面是一致的：立宪派议员与清朝统治之间实质上是相互斗争的。     

释“攻夷”、“款夷”与“制夷”

魏源曾多次提到“攻夷”、“款夷”和“制夷”。比如在《海国图志叙》中,他说:“是书何以作?曰:为以夷攻夷而作,为以夷款夷而作,为师夷长技以制夷而作”。在《海国图志》的《筹海篇三·议战》中也说:“未款之前,则宜以夷攻夷;既款之后,则宜师夷长技以制夷”。人们对“师夷长技以制夷”十分重视,却忽视了“攻夷”和“款夷”。根据上面的引文,魏源的“攻夷”、“款夷”和“制夷”显然不是一回事。目前学术界的解释大致有两种。一种是侯外庐主编的《中国近代哲学史》对“款夷”的解释,即“反对封建顽固派在对外贸易方面那种闭关锁国的保守观点,而主张在严禁鸦片贸易的同时,和西方资本主义国家进行平等的商品贸易”。(第五十     

蒋介石说：“这不是官!”——解读蒋介石给胡适的一封信

胡适秘藏书信中,有一封蒋介石给他的亲笔信,用毛笔写在“国民政府用笺”上,共5页。全文为—— 适之先生： 日前雪艇兄返京,极称先生坚不愿参加政府,但愿以私人地位匡辅国家,协助政府,闻之心感。惟改组后之国民政府委员会为集议决策机关,并无行政烦琐工作,其职权大于参政会而性质则相同,且系过渡时期机构,为期不过数月,倘先生并此而不参加,岂惟政府决定政策之最高机构失一重大助力,一般社会且将不免致疑于政府革新政治之诚意。用敢重违尊意,     

从语言的特征推断《周易》的编纂年代

关于《周易》的编纂年代,前人的研究,已打破“文王拘而演《周易》”的说法,但意见并非一致。诸如,余永梁、顾颉刚主张《周易》作于西周初叶;陈梦家主张《周易》作于西周中叶。他们都是以周民族的历史、风俗制度以及书中卦爻辞所记史实为依的。陆侃主张《周易》“托始于周初,而写定于东周”,论据是:一、春秋时尚无定本,观《左传》所引与今本不同;二、《周易》辞句与东周文字相似,如“屯如邅如”,“贲如濡如”等,类似《小雅》、《国风》、《论语》中辞句。郭沫若和日本学者本田成之则从古书对勘断定“《周易》之编纂成书,实自孟子以后,战国晚年”。李镜池则主张《周     

“五·四”时期的陈独秀与梁漱溟

“五·四”时期的陈独秀与梁漱溟徐光寿,陈家骥陈独秀与梁漱溟是“五·四”时期思想文化界的重要人物,在思想革新和文化改造方面,他们都提出了发人深思的主张。本文拟从两人微观的关系考证、宏观的思想比较和综合的分析判断三个方面,作些探讨与阐释。一陈独秀是“五·...     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.