Comfortable Housing-the Essence of a People s Livelihood-An Interview with Jampa Phuntsok,the Chairman of the Government of TAR

In the 1~(st) Session of the 9~(th) People's Congress of e Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR),held on nuary 22,2008,Mr.Jampa Phuntsok was again ted Chairman of the Tibetan Government.There is no doubt that the election outcome demonstrates once more that the population of over 2.8 million Tibetans ac- knowledges the achievements of the preceding leadership. Not surprisingly,in this five-year administrative term     

Building the Institute of Qinghai-Tibet Plateau .. into a Highland Chinese Academy of Sciences- An Interview with Norbu Gyaltsen, Secretary of the Party Committee in the Southwest University for Nationalities

In 2006, Norbu Gyaltsen and Wang Yong jointly wrote an article putting forward a proposition for a model of environmental protection and sustainable development of animal husbandry on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. Later, this solution was included in the 11th and 12th Five-Year Development Plan of the Southwest University for Nationalities and was officially launched in 2007. Now, five years later, the Institute for the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau has been established and has collected some initial results. Where did these results come from？ How was the plan implemented？ What was the outcome？ In the current issue of our publication there is a special for readers from ＂the Institute for the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau in the Southwest University for Nationalities on the Southwest University for Nationalities＂.     

彭真勉力为我国民主法制奠定基石--访原全国人大法制工作委员会秘书长岳祥

采访人 :您多年做彭真同志的秘书 ,请说说您对他的了解 ?岳祥 :我作为彭真同志的秘书 ,对他的了解主要还是在“文化大革命”后我和他接触的10多年时间 ,一起工作的其他同志如杨景宇、顾昂然、项淳一比我了解更多。彭真和其他老一代革命家一样 ,他们亲身经历了三座大山的压迫 ,立志寻找复兴中华民族的道路 ,所以 ,他们认为自己是一个负有历史使命的人。他深刻认识到只有解放别人才能解放自己 ,有高度自觉的先锋队意识。他历来从大局出发 ,对个人的委屈得失没有抱怨。“文化大革命”后我们问彭真在监狱是怎么过的 ?他说什么事情大想什么。他读…     

MY MUCH-BELOVED SOUTHWEST UNIVERSITY FOR NATIONALITIES——An Interview with Lozang Gyaltsen,the Party Secretary of the Southwest University for Nationalities

The Southwest College for Nationalities was founded in July 1950 and was formally established on June 1st,1951.The college was renamed the Southwest University for Nationalities with the approval of the China Ministry of Education on April 16th,2003. On June 1st,2011,the university is going to celebrate its 60th anniversary.Having completed 60 years of hard work and won success through strenuous efforts and a creative approach with generations of students,the university has realized its dreams and glorie...     

感慨话悠长人散曲未终——原中苏友好协会总会秘书张再访谈录

在新中国成立后中苏关系曲折发展的历程中,中苏友好协会(简称中苏友协)曾经发挥着重要而独特的作用。但在目前学术界,对于中苏友协的相关研究基本上处于空白。为此,我刊约请原中苏友协总会秘书张再同志就中苏友协的成立过程、组织机构、开展活动以及产生的影响等等问题进行了访谈。     

The Achievements,Contradictions and Demise of the Rural Collectives in Songzi County,China

The literature on Chinese rural collectives offers different views on the causes of their demise in the early 1980s. Some argue it was a result of egalitarianism and inefficiency, while others emphasize the coercive nature of the decollectivization campaign. Using Songzi County as a case study, this article reviews both the achievements and the problems of the rural collectives and concludes that they can claim some remarkable achievements. It also finds that work avoidance and inefficiency were caused by stratification rather than egalitarianism. While the demise of rural collectives was mostly due to political pressure from the government, the lack of socialist political process contributed to the peasants’ passiveness in failing to resist this major institutional change.     

破除长期封建社会说 建立中华帝国史发展体系

自改革开放以来,中国史学主要有两个发展潮流:一个是沿着所谓五种生产方式的构架的史学体系前进的,其中的核心是长期封建社会说,而由此派生的则是改头换面的亚细亚生产方式。尽管到了90年代,由长期封建社会说派生的亚细亚生产方式因滑向自由化而受挫,实证主义思潮有所抬头,但并未改变长期封建社会说的框架体系。另一种思潮是:打破按五种生产方式为框架建立的中国史学体系,吸收法国年鉴学派为代表的西方新史学中的合理成分,建立中国马克思主义新史学体系。这其中的关键是破除长期封建社会说,建立中华帝国史发展体系。为什么这样说呢?首先,中…     

蜀汉亡国思潮的起源与演进

从刘备对兴复汉室的失望,到诸葛亮对兴复汉室的绝望,再到谯周等人对蜀汉亡国的渴望,构成了蜀汉政府内部亡国思潮的三个阶段。荆州之失和彝陵惨败,使刘备对兴复汉室产生极度失望思想,这是蜀汉亡国思潮的源头之一。刘禅的无能和北伐的失败,让诸葛亮只能鞠躬尽瘁,死而后己,对兴汉已是绝望,这表明亡国思潮己在发展。此外,蜀汉建国之初,还存在另一个亡国思潮源头,该思潮代表人物先有张裕,再有李严。蜀汉后期时,谯周大唱“亡国之歌”,这两个源头于是就合流了。谯周等人对亡国有极高的渴望心态,从而使两种合流的亡国思想形成了一股强大的亡国思潮,导致了蜀国在大敌到来之时的不抵抗政策的出台,最后使得魏国轻易灭蜀。     

The Rise and Demise of the Middle East Quest for Reforms, 2011–2017

Six years have passed since Arab masses in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen revolted against oppressive, corrupt, and autocratic regimes. These and lesser revolts in Morocco and Jordan — as well as muted ones in the oil producing Gulf States — shared common goals and themes: justice, dignity, economic, political, and social reforms (el‐Gingihy, 2017 ). The revolutionaries wanted to end government bloating and oppressive bureaucracies; and political and massive public corruption by the ruling classes; and instead, involve citizens in the participation in governance and policymaking. The oil‐rich countries were quick to shower their nationals with salary bonuses and more generous subsidies. The poorer Arab countries were quick to unleash their violent security forces on the masses in order to quell the uprisings using brute military force, including using poison gas in Syria, and operating mass killings of demonstrators at Rab‘a Square in Cairo, Egypt. With the exception of Tunisia, the rest of the Arab countries reverted to oppressive regimes, or civil war chaos, as was the case in Libya and Yemen. The United States, which hailed the Arab uprisings during the reign of the Obama Administration, has changed course under the isolationist Trump Administration, which looks upon all Arabs and Muslim people and nations as potential supporters of what the current administration labels as Muslim terrorism. Along with an analysis of events in the region, this article also reviews the most recent books published which deal with the Arab revolts, and which include what lies ahead for the Arab world under the new rulers who replaced old regimes. It will also analyze the Arab countries’ response to a Trump Administration that seems to adopt political isolationism, while at the same time, showing an obvious inclination for personal and national business involvement in the region, such as the recent opening of a Trump golf course in the United Arab Emirates, and the appointment of former MOBIL CEO Executive Rex Tillerson, who has strong business ties with Russia and the oil‐producing Gulf States.     

The Pendulum of Congressional Power: Agenda Change,Partisanship and the Demise of the Post-World War II Foreign Policy Consensus

Many scholars contend that Congress rarely matters in the realm of foreign policy. The source of this collective impotence is often explained by the weaknesses in congressional institutions vis-a-vis the president, as well as a general inability to respond effectively to a dynamic international political environment. We contend that the debate over congressional activism has not adequately addressed the role of agenda change. We analyze all roll call votes in the House of Representatives relating to the international affairs agenda between 1953 and 1998. We find that presidents have become significantly more likely to stake out positions on economic and trade issues as compared to other international issues. We also observe that presidential positions in the realm of foreign policy are increasingly characterized by interparty and interinstitutional conflict. While this increased conflict has dramatically decreased the president's ability to successfully pass executive priorities in foreign affairs more generally, presidential success on economic and trade issues has witnessed a significantly greater decline. We infer from these results that changes to the foreign policy issue agenda represent one important factor that has affected not only the incentives for political parties to participate actively, but also the willingness of Congress to challenge the president in the foreign policy debate.Asked one day whether it was true that the navy yard in his district was too small to accommodate the latest battleships. Henry Stimson (chair of the House Naval Affairs Committee early in the century) replied, 'That is true, and that is the reason I have always been in favor of small ships.'1Carriers have been, are and will be for the foreseeable future an absolutely essential part of our deterrence force…2John Warner, senator from Virginia, home state of Newport News Shipbuilding     

Mediterranean Struggles for Movement and the European Government of Bodies: An Interview with Étienne Balibar and Nicholas De Genova

The conversation between Étienne Balibar and Nicholas De Genova engages with the Mediterranean of migration as a multifaceted, productive, and contested space, which can represent a counterpoint to a deep‐rooted Eurocentric imaginary. Looking at the Mediterranean as a space produced by the mobility of the bodies crossing it and by the combination of different struggles, Balibar and De Genova comment on some of the political movements that have taken center stage in the Mediterranean region in the past few years and suggest that the most important challenge today is to mobilize a “Mediterranean point of view” whereby the political borders of Europe and its self‐centered referentiality can be challenged.     

“道义外交”与国民政府对日外交策略

1934年底开始被中、日两国政府提倡,而在1935年上半年盛行一时的中日“亲善外交”(或称“道义外交”),在当时即扑朔迷离。此后研究大多对其持否定态度。本从外交策略的角度,阐述了国民政府在“道义外交”实施前所面临的外交困境以及国民政府为改变中日外交状况而实施“道义外交”的策略思路;对日本外务部门和关东军对“道义外交”的不同回应也进行了分析;对国民政府由于“道义外交”开展而面临日本军部和外务省两方面压力的状况作了描述。指出,从外交策略上看,不能排除它是国民政府对日外交政策和策略的一种主动积极的调整,而不能将其完全视为本质性的卖国外交政策和策略。但是,它的实施和失败,既使国民政府的外交重新陷于了被动,也使国民政府的民族代表性遭到质疑。     

南京国民政府征兵制的提出、调整与确立

1928年,北伐初定后的南京国民政府提出征兵制方案,意图借征兵推动裁兵。编遣会议迅速流产与内战再起,使得以裁兵为目标的征兵口号被暂时搁置。九一八事变后,外患迫近下的南京国民政府重行讨论征兵问题,军事委员会、立法院在募兵制、征兵制之间反复讨论,最终确定常备兵役为有条件的征兵制,保留募兵制,国民兵役为征兵制,并于1933年6月正式对外公布《兵役法》。除去《兵役法》外,蒋介石全力倡行的保甲、民团与国民军事教育等国民皆兵办法也是战前征兵制确立的重要一环。蒋介石将其国民皆兵的理想视作全面实行征兵制的重要基础。     

国民参政会与国民政府的治藏政策--以治藏议案为中心

1938-1948年间的国民参政会是这一时期中国的重要民意机关,共历四届。本对历届国民参政会的各项治藏议案作了整理和分析,认为这些议案涉及当时治藏问题的各个方面,其中的合理成分对于今天仍有一定的参考价值;这些议案虽然仅有一部分被采纳,但对国民政府的治藏政策仍产生了重要影响。这些议案的提交既有藏族参政员,也有其他民族、地区的参政员,表明了全国各地、各界人民对西藏同胞的关心,并促进了藏族同胞与各族人民的交流,在一定程度上推进了藏区的社会进步,维护了边疆稳定和国家统一。