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1.
We present an analysis for the reflection or scattering of VLF radio waves by gently sloping parallel ridges that may be well displaced from the great circle path between the transmitter and receiver antennae. It is shown that, under certain conditions, a spatial harmonic of the transverse profile of the terrain will produce a secondary signal that could be not far below the direct or primary signal. Such a resonant scattering mechanism may explain some of Thomson's [(1989), J. atmos. terr. Phys. 51, 339] observations in Dunedin, New ZeaLond.  相似文献   

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VLF quarter-gyrofrequency emissions have been observed in the plasmasphere by low-altitude (up to 2500 km) Intercosmos satellites. Their experimental characteristics indicate that the origin and the distribution function of resonant electrons and the type of instability leading to their production can differ during various phases of magnetospheric disturbances. Their close connection to the earthward edge of the lowest energy plasma sheet electron fluxes during active periods is shown. During recovery periods following magnetospheric substorms, they persist (together with other symptoms of a certain internal plasmaspheric structure—subauroral Te-peaks, SAR arcs, etc.) at roughly the same L-value within the new, more distant plasmapause. A new kind of instability is mentioned which could lead to their production during the recovery phase of magnetospheric substorms.  相似文献   

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Vanuatu became a major issue in Australia–China–Taiwan relations during Serge Vohor's turbulent prime ministership in 2004. Already engaged in a struggle with Australia over ‘good governance’, Vohor signed an agreement diplomatically recognising Taiwan. Chinese and Australian pressure led to Vohor's ouster, and a diplomatic setback for Taiwan. Although Australia and Taiwan viewed each other as side issues in this episode, with Australia focused on Vohor and Taiwan on China, their interests were directly opposed during the episode. As became evident in the aftermath of the post-election riot in Solomon Islands in April 2006, these divergent positions have had a lasting negative impact on each country's perception of the other. The key events of 2004 are examined here to demonstrate how this episode has affected the wider landscape of Australia–China–Taiwan relations.  相似文献   

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German–French relations have proved to be pivotal to the course of modern European history. Recent success, however, has somewhat obscured our memory of the difficult path that has been trod. Directing our attention to Kehl, a small village on the upper Rhine, we can revisit the difficulties inherent in resolving feelings of mutual animosity and longstanding historical problems. Kehl stands for the quest for reconciliation at the local and regional level. In the immediate postwar era, French dreams of continued influence over the Rhine valley would have to be put aside just like German anger over their treatment by the French.  相似文献   

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Considered is the collisionless damping of high-frequency radio waves in the ionospheric plasma perturbed by electron beams. Special attention is paid to the attenuation of telemetric signals, observed in the ARAKS experiment with intense electron beam injections, and to the ‘spike’ ionospheric absorption events. It is shown that these phenomena may be explained in terms of the nonlinear scattering of radio waves by plasma turbulence driven by electron beams and accompanied field-aligned currents.  相似文献   

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An extensive literature on the transformation of food retailingin developing countries by the expansion of supermarkets hashighlighted the implications of the concentration of food valuechains for the continued incorporation of small farmers in freshproduce supply. A critical examination of this literature showsthat extent of the transformation of retailing, and also offood production as a consequence of it, is overestimated, particularlyfor fresh produce. The future landscape of food retailing willbe more varied than the supermarket revolution hypothesis predicts.  相似文献   

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This article uses the debate on youth culture that took place in the pages of Marxism Today (1973–75) to explore the ways by which cultural changes and identity politics began to challenge, complement and redefine the British left. The debate revealed much about the tensions that ultimately pulled the Communist Party of Great Britain apart. But it also uncovered faultlines that had ramifications for the left more generally and, perhaps, the wider British polity.  相似文献   

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Why did Turkey and Iran fail to become close partners in the 1970s even though they had compelling reasons to do so? This article argues that mutual distrust between Turkish and Iranian leaders, domestic turmoil in the two countries, and diverging geostrategic priorities undermined Ankara and Tehran's efforts to deepen their relations. While the shah of Iran saw his country as the policeman of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, successive governments in Turkey continued to look west for their security. As economic and political turmoil engulfed the two countries, leading to a revolution in Iran in 1979 and a coup in Turkey in 1980, Iranian and Turkish leaders could not forge a lasting partnership.  相似文献   

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A quasi 2-day oscillation has been observed in the meteor winds at Durham since 1970. On a four-day basis the oscillation occurs throughout the year with amplitudes of 10 m s−1 and standing wave or evanescent (λz > 150 km) behavior with height. During late summer the oscillation increases in amplitude to ~30 m s−1 with increased phase coherence. When analyzed as a 48 h component the time of maximum of the North-South oscillation prefers the value 15 h LST implying some interaction with the solar tides. The amplitude of the 2-day component is correlated with the daily magnetic index Ap indicating magnetic activity as a possible forcing for this oscillation.  相似文献   

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In India's 2014 general election, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured an outright majority of seats, the first time any party has done so since 1984. This has led to claims that this is a ‘critical’ or ‘realigning’ election. Yet, most Indian elections are initially described as ‘critical’ elections, which suggests that this concept needs to be further refined to be analytically useful in India's electorally volatile and regionalised political context. This commentary conceptualises critical elections in India as those that enable the winning party to build lasting regional social coalitions. Such coalitions need to be consolidated in subsequent elections for a realignment to take place. A mastery of regional politics was crucial to the BJP's 2014 win, which does mark this as a potentially realigning election. Yet, questions remain about its ability to consolidate the coalitions that delivered this result.

2014年的普选中,印度人民党获得了绝对多数的议席,破了1984以来各政党的记录。这被看作一次“关键性”的、改弦易辙的选举。不过,印度的选举一开始也多被说成“关键性”的选举。所以,这个概念尚需推敲,以便能够用来分析印度变幻不定的选情以及地区化的政情。本文将印度的“关键性”选举界定为获胜党得建立长久的地区社会联盟。这个联盟需要在日后的选举中加固,才谈得上改弦易辙。把握好地区政治对于人民党2014年选举的胜利至关重要,它使得这次选举成为潜在的改弦易辙。但它是否有能力加固联盟以释放改弦易辙的效果,则还是一个问题。  相似文献   


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In 1817, Great Britain and the United States concluded the Rush–Bagot Agreement to prevent a naval arms race on the Great Lakes. Despite frequent transgressions to the agreement, by the 1920s, the agreement was heralded internationally as a model to emulate. The predominant scholarly focus on the agreement in the nineteenth century fails to explain why a broken agreement in one century was praiseworthy in the next. This article argues that the twentieth-century narrative of the agreement is of critical important to explaining the agreement’s impact on Canada–US relations. Through the lens of three stages of Canadian political leadership, this article demonstrates that the Rush-Bagot Agreement shifted from a rigid compact to a symbolic agreement that not only reflected but aided the transition toward one of the most unique security relationships. The article concludes that this extant agreement reinforces the prevalent notion of the “undefended border” in Canada–US relations.  相似文献   

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This paper sheds light on the largely unknown negotiations between Chile and the World Bank (WB) during the presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–1973). The prevalent understanding of the WB's involvement in Latin America portrays the Bank as a loyal ally of the U.S. government and as an institution with the power to impose its views on its borrowers. Yet, an in-depth analysis of previously unexamined primary sources demonstrates that rather than reflecting a dynamic in which the relationship was between Washington and the WB on the one hand, and Chile on the other hand, these relations constituted a WB–U.S.–Chile asymmetric triangle. Despite profound ideological discrepancies, multiple pressures, and constraints, Allende's government and the WB conducted high-ranking negotiations that challenged the U.S.-promoted economic embargo against Chile. The examination of this counterintuitive relationship sheds new light on Allende's positioning in the international arena and on the functioning of the World Bank, thereby providing a unique prism through which to reconsider dichotomist perceptions of the Cold War in Latin America.  相似文献   

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Fostering border relations among the people in border regions seems a precondition for the future envisagement and success of cross-border regions and European Integration. Related studies to border relations observe the weakness of these informal border contacts and relations. However, weak ties represent an opportunity for interaction, and little has been said about how they might play in the construction and performance of institutional cross-border cooperation (CBC). In this work, we examine the nature of personal border networks of professionals working in CBC and how they are interconnected with the institutional CBC. This paper is based on a mainly qualitative research of two different border regions: Andalusia, Algarve and Alentejo (AAA) and South Finland and Estonia (SFE). Nevertheless, the methodology is multi-method, using semi-structured interviews, with specific questions for applying a social network analysis. Conclusions point out different patterns of border relations in both border regions. In AAA, most of the cross-border relations are weaker and related to their professional involvement in institutional CBC. In SFE, border relations rely both on working and personal reasons. All of these cross-border relations imply a significant value as opportunities for social capital construction across the borders and, hence, for greater interaction and cross-border integration.  相似文献   

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