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1.
Following the voyages of Christopher Columbus, John Cabot, Alonso de Ojeda and Amerigo Vespucci in the last decade of the fifteenth century, the New World of the Americas entered the cartographic and moral consciousness of Europe. In the 1500 mappa mundi of Juan de la Cosa, navigator and map-maker, we see Europe as a hybrid moral entity, a transitional blend of the medieval and the modern at the crossroads between two mappings of Europe. This paper argues that the Juan De la Cosa map represents a blurred transition between map-making traditions and a mixed moral rhetoric of European identity. The De la Cosa map operates across two sets of imagined axes: held horizontally, the map is set to a Ptolemaic grid with Europe straddling the Prime Meridian, and yet when held vertically it presents a medieval moral continuum in which the Americas occupy an ascendant position, a verdant new Jerusalem in contrast to the Babylon of the Old World. Europe is both drawn to the centre of a new world order, and also pushed to the moral margins in an echo of the medieval mappa mundi still imperfectly resolved.  相似文献   

2.
In Sigtuna, Sweden, several medieval cemeteries have been excavated, from which approximately 800 skeletons have been excavated and analysed. Archaeological finds and anthropological analyses have exposed social differences between the cemeteries. Stable isotope analyses have shown that the inhabitants of the town consumed a mixed diet. Significant differences in dietary patterns between the cemeteries may be related to social stratification.In the outskirts of a churchyard excavated in 2006, bone changes showing systemic inflammatory disease indicative of leprosy were observed in six individuals. The burial location suggests that the affected belonged to a lower social stratum. Bone samples were taken from these six individuals, 19 other human skeletons and five animals from the same cemetery for analysis of the stable isotope composition of carbon (C), nitrogen (N) and sulphur (S).The results showed no significant differences in δ13C and δ15N values between the groups, i.e. the seemingly healthy humans and the humans affected by severe inflammatory disease appear to have had similar diets. Nor was a significant difference observed in δ34S data between the six affected individuals and the rest of the sample, implying that no difference in origins could be observed between the two groups studied. However, a comparison between the present study and the previous analysis resulted in significant differences in carbon values.Based on the results obtained in this investigation it is suggested that if a dietary difference existed between people in the outskirts of a cemetery (for example those suffering from leprosy) and people buried in higher ranked regions, it was not a difference in food source but rather in other parameters. Instead dietary differences and possibly social variations are demonstrated between cemeteries. The results from the present study highlight the hierarchical arrangements of social classes in the early medieval society.  相似文献   

3.
During the Middle Ages, the economies of Europe, the religious directives involving dietary requirements, and the general human subsistence base were transformed. These complicated and intertwined issues are starkly revealed in an isotopic study of two inland Italian human populations that are separated by approximately 850 years in time. Stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopic values observed in human dentin and bone collagen from the sites of early medieval Castro dei Volsci and late medieval Rome are consistent with diets that differed substantially. As the North Atlantic opened to fishing and food preservations methods improved, Mediterranean peoples increased their fish consumption dramatically, and in doing so, met the religious directives of the Catholic Church. By analyzing both teeth and bone collagen within individuals, long-term feeding behaviors are documented, and the utility of last erupted teeth collagen as sources of adult dietary information is established. This study offers the first physical evidence of this new economic reality linking the Atlantic and Mediterranean economies at the end of the Middle Ages.  相似文献   

4.
This paper explores the potential of stable isotope analysis to identify the approximate region of catch of cod by analysing bones from medieval settlements in northern and western Europe. It measures the δ13C and δ15N values of cod bone collagen from medieval control samples collected from sites around Arctic Norway, the North Sea, the Kattegat and the Baltic Sea. These data were considered likely to differ by region due to, for example, variation in the length of the food chain, water temperature and salinity. We find that geographical structuring is indeed evident, making it possible to identify bones from cod caught in distant waters. These results provide a new methodology for studying the growth of long-range trade in dried cod and the related expansion of fishing effort—important aspects of the development of commercialisation in medieval Europe. As a first test of the method, we analyse three collections of cod bones tentatively interpreted as imported dried fish based on a priori zooarchaeological criteria. The results tentatively suggest that cod were being transported or traded over very long distances since the end of the first millennium AD.  相似文献   

5.
In this pilot study, stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen and apatite of skeletons from the 11th and 12th century cemetery in Giecz, Poland are interpreted. Isotope values from a small number of fish and animal bones from the same archaeological site are also examined. The goal of this research is to provide preliminary evidence of diet for a group of medieval Polish peasants, with particular emphasis on sex-based differences in diet. Results of isotope analyses suggest diet of this early medieval population was omnivorous and terrestrial-based. Fish bones sampled exhibit low δ13C ratios, and in half of the cases are significantly enriched in 15N, indicating they are freshwater species. Human bones do not reflect these signatures, suggesting freshwater fish were not a significant source of dietary protein at Giecz. The 13Ccoll from some human bones is enriched beyond what might be expected from an exclusively C3 diet. Associated mammal bones do not exhibit similarly elevated δ13Ccoll ratios, suggesting enrichment among humans is not due to consumption of animals foddered on C4 plants. Two possible sources of 13Ccoll enrichment are marine fish in diet and direct consumption of a C4 plant, such as millet. The δ13C values obtained from bone apatite of a small subset of humans suggest that millet contributes to 13Ccoll enrichment, although at least three individuals may have also consumed small amounts of marine fish. Sex-based differences in δ15N ratios indicate that men consumed relatively more animal products (meat or dairy) than did women. There is also a correlation between δ13Ccoll and δ15N values in skeletons of men that is absent in women. These carbon and nitrogen isotope data are the first reported for any Polish population and contribute to a more complete picture of dietary adaptation and social organization in medieval Europe.  相似文献   

6.
The leprosy known today primarily from tropical areas was a relatively common disease in European Middle Ages. This article describes two skeletons bearing palaeopathological indications of leprosy from a cemetery at ?atec in North-West Bohemia (Czech Republic). The archaeological context clearly shows that these individuals were buried prior to the second decade of the 12th century, and most probably in the second half of 11th century. This rules out the possibility that these individuals might have contracted the disease in connection with the Crusades, in which a Bohemian contingent under Prince Vladislav II participated from 1141 to 1142. Molecular genetic methods were applied to detect specific DNA fragments of the causative agent of leprosy, Mycobacterium leprae. The nasal concha of one individual yielded DNA that could be directly sequenced after isolation and amplification. The vertebral body of the second individual, on the other hand, did not provide DNA of sufficient quality for direct sequencing and only weak amplification was detectable. The morphological and genetic analyses both indicate that leprosy existed prior to the Crusades in medieval Bohemia, albeit that its prevalence was probably not as great as in northern or western Europe.  相似文献   

7.
The Italian saint Francesco Caracciolo died in June 1608 and his body was transported from Agnone in the Abruzzo region to the city of Naples, where he was interred. According to written sources, his body was embalmed, but the embalmment method is unknown. In the present work, four samples of the remains of S. Caracciolo have been analysed for traces of embalmment. No organic compounds usually used for embalmment were found using GC with MS detection. Only low background levels of As were measured using CV‐AAS (Cold Vapour Atomic Absorption Spectroscopy). In two samples analysed by CV‐AAS, however, very high concentrations of Hg (12.7 μg g?1 and 4.9 μg g?1) were measured, these being 100 to 1000 times more than the background Hg levels found in bone tissue of other medieval and Renaissance individuals. Two interpretations seem viable: (1) the high Hg levels are caused by embalmment using Hg‐containing compounds; (2) the excess Hg originates from a medical treatment that S. Caracciolo received in his youth, when he was cured of leprosy, or in connection with his illness just prior to his death. The case of excess Hg in the remains of S. Caracciolo has distinct parallels with those of other Renaissance burials.  相似文献   

8.
In Sigtuna, Sweden, a medieval cemetery, including 227 skeletons, was analysed in 2006. On the outskirts of the churchyard, six skeletons with bone changes indicating systemic inflammatory disease were observed. Two out of three individuals with well‐preserved facial bone regions displayed signs of rhinomaxillary remodelling. Four of the afflicted exhibit severe bilateral alterations of the lower legs and phalanges of the feet and concentric atrophy of the metatarsals. In addition, one of the individuals exhibited a kyphosis in the lumbar vertebrae. In a discussion about alternative diagnoses, lepromatous leprosy and tuberculosis were identified as the causes of the destructive lesions in two individuals. Though the skeletal changes of the lower legs and feet in four cases demonstrate a close resemblance to secondary lesions of leprosy, the disease could not be confirmed. The skeletal changes of the last individual were unspecific and the possible causes several, rendering diagnosis difficult. The burial locations imply that the afflicted persons belonged to a lower social stratum. Due to the significantly higher frequency of pathological changes in the cemetery compared to other cemeteries in the town, the individuals could be regarded as fellow sufferers among others with various medical conditions. The bioarchaeological identification of systemic infectious diseases of a group of individuals of this size is unique to north of Scania in Sweden, where only a few cases of leprosy and tuberculosis have previously been diagnosed. The significance of the present study is emphasised by the interconnection between the afflicted, the archaeological context and the knowledge of the medieval society in Sigtuna. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

9.
Analysis of the skeleton from tomb 144 of the early medieval necropolis of Vicenne‐Campochiaro in Central Italy revealed several features indicative of leprosy. The skeleton belongs to a male estimated to be between 20 and 25 years of age at death. The distal halves of the 1st and 2nd left metatarsals present acro‐osteolysis and both legs show severe subperiosteal bone reaction. The facial skeleton shows changes compatible with a chronic inflammatory process, possibly due to an infectious disease. The anatomical distribution of the lesions and their association with other skeletal lesions seems to be compatible with a near‐lepromatous form of leprosy. A differential diagnosis is made, and the skeletal traits pathognomonic of leprosy are discussed. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

10.
Erosion in the 1960s resulted in exposure of human skeletal remains from a Norse Christian cemetery at Newark Bay, Orkney, Scotland. One set of remains showed osteological evidence of advanced lepromatous leprosy, but the absence of bones from the lower limbs precluded definitive diagnosis. The aim of the present study was to determine whether Mycobacterium leprae could be detected in bone extracts, as a means of confirming the diagnosis of leprosy. Bone samples were examined from the suspected leprosy case and from a second contemporary burial thought to be free of disease. DNA was amplified by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) using primers specific for a repetitive element (RLEP) characteristic of M. leprae. Additional PCR tests specific for Mycobacterium tuberculosis and for amelogenin (a human gene suitable for sex determination) were also applied to the samples. M. leprae DNA was detected only in the skull sample from the suspected leprosy case. The DNA sequence was identical to that found in present day isolates of M. leprae. Positive results were obtained only using a PCR reaction designed to amplify relatively short stretches of DNA (<175 bp), suggesting the microbial DNA had undergone extensive fragmentation. There was no evidence of M. tuberculosis DNA in bones from the leprosy suspect or control individual. The ability to recover ancient samples of DNA provides an opportunity to study long-term evolutionary changes that may affect the epidemiology of microbial pathogens.  相似文献   

11.
The aim of this research is to explore regional and temporal patterning in diet in medieval Danish populations. δ15N, δ13Ccoll, δ13Cap values were obtained from 154 human bone samples from three sites located in the Jutland peninsula of Denmark. These sites span the medieval period. The results suggest that the medieval Danish diet was composed of C3 plants, terrestrial animals, and freshwater and marine fish in varying amounts. The data also suggest some regional patterning in diet, but little temporal differences in the composition of diet.  相似文献   

12.
There has been much debate regarding the origins of treponemal disease and, in particular, acquired syphilis. Greater numbers of skeletons with apparently diagnostic bone lesions in the New World than in the Old have given rise to the postulate, particularly advanced by American workers, that the disease originated there prior to AD 1492 and was carried back to the Old World by Columbus's sailors. This paper presents evidence for the presence of treponemal disease in medieval Norwich prior to AD 1492, however. The dating of the site is good and the skeleton concerned comes from a well-sealed context. Others in the group have similar lesions and there are four individuals with evidence of leprosy. All were buried in a communal cemetery. The individual has widespread, bilateral, florid periostitis, especially of the tibiae and fibulae, and the radiographic changes support the diagnosis of treponemal disease. Differential diagnosis and geographical situation suggest that this skeleton displays evidence of syphillis.  相似文献   

13.
The commonly accepted understanding of modern human plague epidemics has been that plague is a disease of rodents that is transmitted to humans from black rats, with rat fleas as vectors. Historians have assumed that this transmission model is also valid for the Black Death and later medieval plague epidemics in Europe. Here we examine information on the geographical distribution and population density of the black rat (Rattus rattus) in Norway and other Nordic countries in medieval times. The study is based on older zoological literature and on bone samples from archaeological excavations. Only a few of the archaeological finds from medieval harbour towns in Norway contain rat bones. There are no finds of black rats from the many archaeological excavations in rural areas or from the inland town of Hamar. These results show that it is extremely unlikely that rats accounted for the spread of plague to rural areas in Norway. Archaeological evidence from other Nordic countries indicates that rats were uncommon there too, and were therefore unlikely to be responsible for the dissemination of human plague. We hypothesize that the mode of transmission during the historical plague epidemics was from human to human via an insect ectoparasite vector.  相似文献   

14.
《Southeastern Archaeology》2013,32(1):222-232
Abstract

The current widely adopted sixteenth-century glass bead chronology in southeastern North America was essentially formulated more than two decades ago. Subsequently, new glass-bead data have been recorded from the Americas and Europe. A review of this evidence compelled a reevaluation and minor revisions of the extant glass-bead chronology.  相似文献   

15.
This paper presents the results of palaeodietary reconstruction based on stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis on bone collagen of five medieval rural populations from the Basque Country (northern Spain) spanning from 5th to 15th centuries ad . One hundred forty‐seven human and 47 domestic faunal samples were successfully analysed with the objective of defining agrarian productive strategies and food consumption patterns. The results grouped the five sites in two clusters: on one side Zaballa and Treviño, whose inhabitants followed diets exclusively based on C3 plants with significant intake of animal protein, and on the other, the populations from Aistra and Zornoztegi, who combined C3 and C4 plants and consumed lower amounts of animal protein. The isotopic values from Dulantzi were intermediate to these two groups. No differences were detected when individual status markers, such as grave goods, were available. Conversely, some restrictions on the access to certain food resources based on sex were uncovered. A relevant change in δ13C values was identified around 10th century, a consequence of a shift in the consumption patterns of C3 and C4 plants. Finally, these Basque sites were compared with those of the medieval Iberian case studies available in the literature. This comparison made evident the distinctive nature of the diet of the Basque medieval rural contexts. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

16.
In this pilot-study, which was designed to assess the range of isotopic variation in English medieval populations, we present the results of stable isotope analysis of carbon and nitrogen of human and animal bone collagen from three later medieval sites in Northern England.The isotopic values observed for the rural hospital of St. Giles by Brompton Bridge (N. Yorks.), the Augustinian Friary at Warrington and a mass-grave with casualties from the Battle of Towton (N. Yorks.) are significantly different from those reported for other archaeological populations in Britain, namely by their very enriched δ15N ratios which are combined with almost entirely terrestrial carbon signals. We discuss possible explanations for the unusual human data and argue on grounds of the available faunal data, that a mixed diet of terrestrial, marine and freshwater resources is most likely. This may indicate the significant impact of the medieval fasting regulations on everyday subsistence. We conclude that stable isotope analysis can complement the available historical information on diet in the Middle Ages.  相似文献   

17.
18.
The goal of this research is to explore status-based differences in diet of the peasants, monks and elites interred at the medieval Cistercian monastery of Øm Kloster. In order to accomplish this task bone samples were taken from 98 individuals from the monastery for the stable isotopic analysis of carbon and nitrogen found in both bone collagen and apatite. Significant differences were found in the diet of these three groups. Elites demonstrated significantly enriched δ15N and δ13C values and had the smallest δ13Ccoll-ap spacing in comparison to the peasant and monastic population. Although there were no changes in the diet of the elite or peasant population through time, the monastic diet shifted from resembling the diet of the peasant population early in the period to more closely matching that of the elites at the close of the period, although small sample size precluded the significance testing of this shift. This research suggests that social status played a considerable role in the types and quantity of food resources available to a given individual in society and that there were some socially based differences in the medieval Danish diet.  相似文献   

19.
A scapula malformation is described in two burials from the site of the late medieval Dominican friary at Ipswich, UK. The changes appear most consistent with primary scapular neck dysplasia. One of the burials also showed clear signs of leprosy. The burials are of lay benefactors of the friary. The Ipswich Dominican friary had no known function as a leprosy hospital. Finding of burials of lepers other than in burial grounds of leprosaria is highly unusual for medieval England. Scapular neck dysplasia has a strong genetic component in its aetiology. This, coupled with its rarity, suggests a close genetic link between the two burials. The findings suggest that in this case, family ties with the friary overrode the normal medieval custom of interring lepers in leprosy hospitals. This illustrates that even rare skeletal variants may convey useful biocultural information about past populations. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

20.
Infective lesions of bone in leprosy are of two types. In the rhinomaxillary syndrome, superficial infective changes in the bones of the maxilla are due to the presence of Mycobacterium leprae. Lytic foci in the medulla or the outer cortical surface may be due to Mycobacterium leprae at the site as granulomatous lesions. The most frequent infective bone changes in leprosy are, however, sequelae of regional anaesthesia and soft tissue ulceration. The bone lesions are due to pyogenic bacteria and the nature of these infective lesions is similar to that in non-leprous conditions. The pyogenic lesions in leprosy are restricted to the bones of the hands, feet and lower legs.  相似文献   

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