American Democracy and Democracy Promotion

As America inaugurates its 43rd president it enters a period of reflection. The danger is that an emphasis on voting procedure will silence a long-standing and ultimately more significant criticism of American democracy and its policy of democracy promotion. The separation of economics from politics and the promotion of so-called 'market democracy' does a disservice to the wider democratic project and is potentially self-defeating. This article reviews three books to argue that America's declining international reputation can be traced to its own democratic shortcomings. It explores the possibility of a popular working-class movement to address these failings and examines the implication this may have on the liberal international order.
Books reviewed:
John B. Judis, Paradox Of American Democracy: Elites, Special Interests And The Betrayal Of Public Trust
Michael Zweig, The working class majority: America's best kept secret
Ruy Teixeira and Joel Rogers, America's forgotten majority: why the white working class still matters     

Democracy and Disenchantment

The victory of democracy in its ideological battle with communism has coincided with widespread voter disaffection in established democracies and with the rapid emergence of disillusion in recently 'democratised' societies. These developments raise at least two more general problems concerning the democratic dream of a self-governing community. First, there is the problem of democratic deficit: the fact that democratic arrangements are invariably constrained by arrangements of a non-democratic kind. Second, there is the problem of corruption. While such problems arise for any form of politics they have a particular significance for regimes which claim to be democratic. Following the recent victories of democracy in much of the world, it is now more difficult to appeal to the remedy of a more inclusive political system. Those of you who come in with me now will get big pieces of pie. Those who come in with me later will get smaller pieces of pie. Those who dont come in at all will get-Good Government.1 (attributed to Huey Long, Governor of Louisiana)     

Democracy and Technology

Richard P. Hiskes, Democracy, Risk, and Community: Technological Harardr and the Evolution of Liberalism .
Sheila Jasanoff, Science at the Bar: Law, Science, and Technology in America .     

Democracy and Instrumentalism

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of state socialism, among other factors, has led to a renewed interest in a certain conception of democracy as a fundamental organising principle for political debate and decision-making. Yet there are good reasons to suppose that the concept of democracy is severely limited in the role it can play here. This article examines some of these limits. In the first section we summarise a number of arguments from the 'revivalist' democratic literature and the conception of democracy presented within it. In doing so, we identify a conception of democracy-a conception we refer to generically as 'the democratic ideal'-that is defined both in relation to certain structural features and also in terms of a set of progressivist and socially ameliorative ends to which that ideal is seen as being especially conducive. In this reason our interest is not in any one version of the democratic idealalthough we do take many contemporary forms of the ideal in question to combine two central strands-as in the promotion of that ideal as instrumental in furthering certain economic and social ends. In the second section we call this ideal into question through a discussion of some of the problems associated with democratic forms of governance. We conclude with a discussion of the way in which the appeal to the democratic ideal in political debate and decision-making may actually depend on ignoring or suppressing the very politics that it aims to address.     

Democracy and International Society

In this edited version of the seventh John Vincent Memorial Lecture given at the University of Keele on 7 May 1999, James Mayall discusses the contested nature of international relations, the question of the democratization of international society, and the reasons for democracy's prominence in contemporary international relations. He asks how the impact of democracy and democratization on international society over the past ten years could be measured and whether the establishment of democratic values in national and international politics rests on particular cultural preconditions. He concludes that in the pursuit of international order useful modifications to the international system have been introduced; it is the components of that system that remain the problem.     

科举与民治

1905年朝廷停科举,旨在为学堂让路,造就新学新知的人才.其时朝野的关注和认知都交集于此,又都止乎此.但由清末到民初,共和推倒了帝制,而与之俱来的则是民初的代议政治有民治之名而无民治之实,以及这种名实相悖造成政象的四面颠蹶直接促成另一种关注,使当时人不得不由古今中西之比探寻民治的本义.而后是已经停置的科举制度又被引来论说古今之政体,并因之移到了那代人的重新认知之中.于是有西方人说的"科举制乃与民主精神深相契合"和中国人说的科举制度"尤为民治".十多年之前深被非议的科举制度遂随后来的眼光之变而内涵大变,褒贬大变.借助于这种民初不同于清末的眼光和认知,一千三百多年间,科举制度以其自下而上的"怀牒自投"和自上而下的"以试为选"维持了一个文官政府的过程,便因之而由一千三百年间自下而上的社会流动和自上而下的政府开放,显示出前现代的选官制度里所内含的与现代"民主精神"可以对应的一面.     

清教主义与美国民主

受美国“敬祖”学派历史学家的影响,一些中国学者认为,在美国,清教主义是与民主联系在一起的。事实上,这只是一个流传了很久的神话。从２０世纪２０年代起,边疆学派和进步学派的史学家们便不断地打破这个神话。艾德蒙·莫根指出：“新英格兰的清教徒们在当今的声誉并不好。任何渴望达到一定深度的著作家或评论家都注意对他们的批判。无论是激进的还是保守的,都标榜自己反对清教主义的作法。”①当今各派史学家们所反对的清教主义作法,正是那些与民主格格不入的东西。本文将从历史的角度说明清教主义与美国民主之间差距甚远。一、美洲…     

Democracy and the Policy Sciences

The policy sciences approach has recently came under sustained criticism for being insensitive to the values and preferences of the ordinary citizen. This paper attempts to address these problems by outlining a post-positivist approach, drawing upon the works of Jürgen Habermas. The paper proposes a "participatory policy analysis" that utilizes a sampling of affected citizens to create a "policy forum" to inform the policymaker of citizens' positions on important policy issues.     

现代化进程中的民主与威权--对巴西1964年军事政变经济根源的个案研究

根据传统的西方现代化理论,欠发达社会的现代化进程中,经济发展与政治民主是同步发展、相互促进的。但20世纪60年代以来非西方国家的政治发展现实对这一观点提出了挑战。在巴西,经济现代化带来了威权主义,而非民主政治。其原因在于巴西的现代化模式进口替代工业化的发展过程中,必然出现通货膨胀和国际收支危机,经济的进一步发展要求首先实行经济紧缩,而经济上的紧缩则要求政治上的权威。巴西1964年的政变虽只是一个个案,但它表明,不能用西方现代化“和谐的”、“直线的”道路来分析第三世界国家的现代化。     

Foucault and Radical Deliberative Democracy

Deliberative democracy is a flourishing variant of democratic theory. John Dryzek and Iris Young are two of its more radical exponents, and here I bring some Foucaultian complications to their work. The radicalness I highlight in both thinkers owes to their different but comparable commitments to equality between different voices in deliberation. Foucault's histories are all histories of expert knowledges and the objects they usher into the world. In this sense, expert knowledges present problems for deliberative democracy, not only because they carry greater status than other knowledges but also because they have ontological effects. As I illustrate with the example of economics, although the programs of Dryzek and Young can cope quite well with the first, the second is a more serious problem, although possibly a positive one.