“我不会参拜靖国神社”

"我们正在斗争……今后任何问题都可能会导致自民党垮掉和政府更迭。日本需要一名强势领导者,以应对内政外交复杂局势。"这是在竞选期间,福田康夫最有激情、叫得响的一句口号,也是最受日本民众拥戴的一面旗帜,尽管这与他持重、温和的风格有些不一致。但日本民众最有感触,5年半的"小泉时代",让日本的内政外交几乎走进了死胡同。一年的"后小泉时代(安倍政权)",小泉政治的阴影仍然笼罩在日本人头上。那么,福田能够带领日本民众走出小泉的阴影吗?     

日本政界的“小泉现象”

小泉纯一郎以敢做敢当的硬汉风格当选为首相以来,日本政界仿效小泉行事风格者日益增多。以致日本政界出现了一种对内攻击慎重改革派,不惜激化执政党内部矛盾也要强行推行改革,对外则煽动民族主义情绪,夸大威胁,不惜恶化与近邻诸国关系而推行强硬外交的现象。     

国际法视角下的1972年《中日联合声明》

1972年的《中日联合声明》掀开了两国关系新的一页。然而,时至今日,国内学界对这份文件的研究仍停留在表面。本文从国际法的角度,探讨了这份《声明》的法律性质,并且分析了《声明》中关于“战争状态结束”的条款,以及台湾条款和赔偿条款。本文最后得出结论：台湾问题是影响中日邦交正常化谈判的关键因素,日本通过很多外交手段为其对台政策留下了回旋的余地。     

外刊摘要

10月11日封面文章小泉呼吁日本不发展核电日本前首相小泉纯一郎自卸任后,首次公开露面,发表了长达60分钟的演讲,批评日本政府对福岛核泄漏事故处理不当。小泉认为,有无核电对日本电力供应影响不大,且政府为处理此次核泄漏的花费已超过1万亿日元(约合630亿元人民币)。他呼吁停止发展核电。分析称,小泉在任期内对能源问题兴趣不大,此次演讲可能是对安倍政权施压。况且他的儿子小泉进次郎已在政坛崭露头角,未来父子俩有可能联手成立新政党。     

浅谈熙宁变法中的沈括

在熙宁变法,沈括积极倡导并实施了一系列利国利民的举措,如兴修水利、提议改革地方建制、加强边防等等,并且冒着生命危险出使敌国。这些都说明沈括除了人所共知的在自然科学方面的天赋之外,在政治、外交、军事等方面,他也堪称是一位奇才。     

"小泉神话"与日本政治的转型

小泉纯一郎作为近20年来执政时间最长的首相,在日本政坛刮起了一股强劲的“小泉旋风”,或者说带来了“小泉神话”。人们一度曾相信自民党从此将获得“新生”。但好景不常,小泉内阁很快就显露出“末期政权”的症状。小泉的高支持率已成为昨日黄花。这4年来,日本政治发生了深刻的转型。延续半个多世纪的政坛格局、传统政治模式都在酝酿着和正在进行着有可能是脱胎换骨的变化。这是新世纪日本在寻求新的国家定位和国家战略必然伴随的现象,需要引起人们的密切注意。     

肯尼迪政府时期美国对蒙古政策研究

在雅尔塔会议上美国同意苏联参加对日作战提出的保持外蒙古现状的条件,但在20世纪40—50年代美国并没有正式承认外蒙古独立。肯尼迪政府时期美国启动了与蒙古建交的行动,正式承认其为独立主权国家,并在联合国关于蒙古入联问题上投了弃权票。由于担心蒙古不能入联引发连锁反应对美国不利,肯尼迪政府在外交上对台湾当局施压,迫使其没有在联合国行使否决权,蒙古于1961年正式成为联合国成员。然而由于国际形势的变化,特别是柏林危机和台湾当局的极力反对,肯尼迪政府未能在任内完成与蒙古建交事宜。肯尼迪政府时期美国对蒙古政策的变化反映了冷战时期美国对亚洲内陆国家外交政策的实质,即为美国的冷战战略服务。     

享誉东瀛的中国外交官陈楚

陈楚,1937年参加八路军。1938年1月加入中国共产党。1954年调到外交部工作,历任苏欧司司长,驻苏使馆公使衔参赞,亚非司、新闻司司长,驻日本国首任特命全权大使,常驻联合国代表。1980年8月调任国务院主管外事工作的副秘书长。在长期的外交工作中,他认真贯彻中央的外交路线,勤于思考,重视和善于调查研究,为发展我国的外交事业做出了重要贡献。陈楚是我的老战友,长期在一起共事。在他任首任驻日本大使期间,我被任命为驻日本使馆的政务参赞,我们又一起工作了三年多。这期间,陈楚大使和我们面对的是十分复杂的局面:中日邦交刚刚恢复,两国外交刚刚…     

发自边缘的呐喊 --再读《愁容童子》

今年四月九日,小泉首相在东京曾举办过一场盛大的赏樱会,出席者近九千余人之众,除了政府官员、海内外新闻媒体外,还有各国驻日本的外交使节等。当时,患有严重花粉过敏症的小泉用手绢捂住鼻孔,在樱花丛中显现出痛苦的表情,表示“今天要忘记让人心烦的政治”。这位首相确实面临不少让他心烦意乱的事,比如,包括中国、韩国在内的亚洲国家和地区不断出现所谓“反日示威”的群众运动,这些自发的群众运动抗议日本右翼势力篡改历史教科书,抗议小泉接二连三地参拜供奉甲级战犯的靖国神社。在日本国内,由加藤周一、大江健三郎、井上厦等九位贤达发起的日本“九条会”则抗议日本政府以及右翼势力试图篡改和平宪法第九条,以在日本全面复活超国家主义乃至军国主义,等等。     

试析尼克松政府的环境外交

在尼克松执政时期,环境成为美国外交的主要议题之一.尼克松政府通过北约、经济合作与发展组织和联合国国际组织,围绕环境监管、环境保护和污染治理等主题进行外交活动.尼克松的环境外交体现出其先行一步的外交构想和具体的环境行动.美国的环境外交因先于其他国家而取得了国际环境领域的有利地位,并推动了20世纪70年代初环境领域的国际合作达到一个高潮.不过,尼克松的环境外交更多地着眼于美国所处的国内外环境形势和现实利益,与第三世界为实现符合发展中国家利益的环境主张形成了明显的对照.     

The UN and the African Union in Mali and beyond: a shotgun wedding?

The United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have collaborated in building a viable African Peace and Security Architecture and have worked together in a number of armed conflicts over the past decade. Examples include the peace operations in Burundi and Somalia, and the hybrid peace operation in Sudan's Darfur region which is perhaps the most prominent illustration of this collaboration. Although the UN Security Council authorized the intervention in Libya, which was approved by leading regional organizations (the Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Gulf Cooperation Council), it was opposed initially by the AU although the three African states in the Security Council voted for it. Relations cooled as a result and have grown colder still as the UN snubbed the AU and its initial efforts to engage in post‐conflict stabilization in Mali. While the AU sought to prove itself as a capable security provider and partner on the continent with its operation AFISMA, France's Opération Serval and the UN's peace operation for Mali, MINUSMA, bypassed the African Union. This article explores the underlying fault‐lines between the two organizations by examining interactions between the UN and AU since the latter's launch in 2002, but focusing on the Mali case. The fault‐lines emerging from the analysis are different capabilities, risk‐averse vs risk‐assuming approaches to casualties, diverging geopolitics and leadership rivalry.     

Humanitarian Intervention After Kosovo: Emergent Norm,Moral Duty or the Coming Anarchy?

In March 1999 NATO justified the use of force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on the grounds that it was necessary to avert an impending humanitarian catastrophe. This action was so controversial because it was the first time since the founding of the United Nations that a group of states, acting without explicit Security Council authority, defended a breach of the sovereignty rule primarily on humanitarian grounds. This article reflects on the legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in international society by reviewing five books that explore the strengths and weaknesses of the contemporary legal and moral framework governing humanitarian intervention. The article identifies three broad positions: first, there is an emergent norm of humanitarian intervention; second, humanitarian intervention is seen as a moral duty; and finally, the claim that humanitarian intervention outside Security Council authority should not be legitimated because it threatens the principles of international order. Books reviewed: Danesh Sarooshi, The United Nations and the development of collective security: the delegation by the UN Security Council of its Chapter VII powers Francis Kofi Abiew, The evolution of the doctrine and practice of humanitarian inter‐vention Neal Riemer, (ed.) Protection against genocide: mission impossible? Stephen A. Garrett, Doing good and doing well: an examination of humanitarian inter‐vention Albrecht Schnabel and Ramesh Thakur, (eds.) Kosovo and the challenge of humanitarian intervention: selective indignation, collective action, and international citizenship     

In the footsteps of George Orwell: Patrick McCarthy as Italian correspondent for Tribune, 1978–1980

Abstract

This paper examines Italy's contribution to the United Nations (UN) and how effective this has been in protecting Italian interests. The first part outlines the areas where Italy's input to the UN has been most relevant in terms of ideas, policies and participation, such as for example the campaign to ban the death penalty and its participation in collective security through participation in UN peacekeeping missions. This paper also highlights the critical role that Italy's long-standing positions on UN reform and the enlargement of the Security Council have played in defining Italy's status in the international community, and asks whether there have been significant changes in the traditional Italian position and its loyalty to the UN and, more generally, to the multilateral system. The second part analyzes the origin and rationale of Italy's policies toward the UN and their effectiveness in defining and defending the national interest. It explores the idea that these policies have been determined by the ‘institutional multilateralism’ of the Italian Constitution, the ‘genetic multilateralism’ of the Italian society and the ‘forced multilateralism’ of Italy as a middle-range power. Italy's positions on the UN and its reform are examined in the light of claims that Italy's foreign policy reflects its ‘complex of exclusion’ and presumed lack of influence in the ‘major stakes’ in world diplomacy.     

Gender as national interest at the UN Security Council

The United Nations Security Council has often been identified as a key actor responsible for the uneven trajectory of the international Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. It is, however, the Council members—who also seek to advance their national interest at this intergovernmental forum—that are pivotal in the Council's deliberations and shape its policies. Yet, little attention has been paid to this aspect of deliberative politics at the Council in feminist scholarship on WPS. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature. It notes that gender has increasingly become part of foreign policy interests of UN member states, as evidenced by practices such as invocation of ‘women's rights’ and ‘gender equality’ in broader international security policy discourse. The article demonstrates that this national interest in gender has featured in WPS‐related developments at the Security Council. Using specific illustrations, it examines three sets of member states: the permanent and non‐permanent members as well as non‐members invited to take part in Council meetings. The main argument of this article relates to highlighting member states’ interests underpinning their diplomatic activities around WPS issues in the Security Council, with the aim to present a fuller understanding of political engagements with UNSCR 1325, the first WPS resolution, in its institutional home.     

Searching for a Just and Lasting Peace? Anglo-American Relations and the Road to United Nations Security Council Resolution 242

United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 of 22 November 1967 continues to rank as a key point of reference for the Arab-Israeli peace process. The resolution laid down a ‘land for peace’ formula for the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, under which Israel would withdraw from territories occupied during the June 1967 Arab-Israeli War in exchange for full peace agreements with its Arab neighbours. This article analyses the Anglo-American diplomacy at the United Nations which led to the passing of the resolution. It argues that the policy-making of the Johnson administration was rendered incoherent by internal rivalries and disorganisation. US Ambassador to the UN, Arthur Goldberg, was perceived as excessively sympathetic to Israel by the Arab delegations. The British approach, by contrast, was perceived by all parties as more even-handed. The clear position adopted by Foreign Secretary George Brown on Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories, together with the skilful diplomacy of the Ambassador to the UN, Lord Caradon, explains the British success in sponsoring Resolution 242. The episode holds broader lessons for the conduct of Anglo-American relations showing that Britain was better placed to achieve diplomatic success when it retained its freedom of manoeuvre in relations with the United States.     

The United Nations and State Sovereignty: Mechanism for Managing International Security

Recently, some analysts have accused the United Nations of eroding the sovereignty of its members. However, these critics often ignore the fact that the creation of the United Nations was itself one incident in the process of reinterpreting sovereignty which has gone on for centuries. Before 1945, sovereignty was often reinterpreted to fit the changing norms and institutions. As a principle which legitimises political control and helps enhance international security, sovereignty often reflects the prevailing notions of international order. While the Security Council has tried to redefine sovereignty after the cold war, the UN Charter remains a constraint on such reinterpretation. If the Charter is not amended to reflect post-cold war changes, the international society might be split between supporters of the Charter principles of sovereignty and those who seek change.     

The construction of gender-sensitive peacebuilding in Australia: ‘Advance Australia Fair’

Australia was the first United Nations member state to commit to the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund when it was established in 2006, and it has made annual contributions since then. Australia has also made significant contributions towards enhancing gender equality in peace and security governance, most recently during its 2013–14 term of office on the United Nations Security Council, recognising that gender matters in and to all aspects of peacebuilding activity. This article offers a discourse-theoretical policy analysis of a range of Australian Agency for International Development guidelines and strategies addressing gender and peacebuilding issues, and reads these against the international framework to explore the discursive construction of gender-sensitive peacebuilding in Australia. The authors argue that the representations of peacebuilding in the documents they analyse shape how Australia engages in peacebuilding-related activities and inform how Australia is positioned internationally as a peacebuilding actor.     

Lord Castlereagh's return: the significance of Kofi Annan's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change

This article suggests that the Annan High Level Panel that reported in December 2004 has produced the most important strategic document to be published by the UN since 1945, eclipsing the now distinctly dated Millennium Development Goals. It documents how it is unusually cogent and candid for a Blue Ribbon exercise. This article starts by describing both the long wave and the immediate events within which the Panel's work exists. The world is now plainly moving through the biggest change of course since the late eighteenth century, which the Panel also discusses, and which was punctuated in 2002–3 by a specific crisis over Iraq. The aftermath of that crisis was the occasion for the secretary-general of the United Nations to establish a High Level Panel with a wide mandate, to describe the new environment of international peace and security and to recommend changes to refurbish the United Nations in order to face new threats, challenges and change. The article analyses the Panel's strategy to obtain action on its key recommendations. These are to make routine the exercise of the responsibility to protect individuals at risk in failed or collapsed states by 'full spectrum' UN interventions embracing peace-enforcement, -keeping, -making and -building. The mechanisms recommended are described and the judgement made that the shrewd presentation of the brokerage of different interests gives a modest but real chance of success. The Panel also addresses the matter of membership of the Security Council but in a way which will enable the likely deadlock over that question later this year to be contained so as not to impede action on other matters. In sum, the High Level Panel promises to be Kofi Annan's best legacy.     

Implementing Australia's National Action Plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325

Australia's victory in securing temporary seats on the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations Executive Board has been much celebrated. This provides an important platform for Australia to further the agenda of women's rights worldwide. As part of this agenda, Australia has provided a commitment to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security through the development of the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security 2012–2018, released in 2012. This article examines the early thoughts and efforts towards the implementation of this plan. It demonstrates that while there is a broad rhetorical commitment to implementation by Australian actors, there are nonetheless challenges that may threaten its success. Based in part upon interviews with Australian government representatives and policy makers, and activists and advocates of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, this article highlights the success, challenges and opportunities that have so far been associated with implementing this important Resolution.     

Women,Peace and Security as an ASEAN priority

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat and its member states have repeatedly professed their commitment to the protection and advancement of women's economic and human rights. Such commitments have included the Declaration of the Advancement of Women in the ASEAN Region in 1988, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women in the ASEAN Region in 2004, and the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration in 2012, as well as the establishment of the ASEAN Committee on Women in 2002 and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Women and Children in 2009. However, none of these regional commitments or institutions expressly take up the core concern of the Women, Peace and Security agenda set out in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000. ASEAN has no 1325 regional action plan and, amongst the ASEAN membership, the Philippines is the only state that has adopted a 1325 National Action Plan. The authors explore the possible reasons for the lack of ASEAN institutional engagement with 1325, outline the case for regional engagement, and suggest specific roles for the ASEAN Secretariat, donor governments and individual member states to commit to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 as a regional priority.