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This article examines the life and thought of Andrei (Ukhtomskii), a prominent Orthodox churchman in late imperial and early Soviet Russia. A proponent of ecclesiastical reform, Andrei believed that the Church was unable to instil piety because of an overly close relationship with the state. Basing his opinions on Slavophile philosophy, Andrei campaigned for the restoration of the Russian patriarchate and parish reform that would grant the laity increased autonomy. As a missionary among non‐Russian populations, he rejected linguistic Russification. After 1905, these beliefs led him to clash with the right and Rasputin. After the February Revolution of 1917, the Provisional Government appointed Andrei to a leading position in the Holy Synod. However, during the collapse of the Church's hierarchy in the 1920s, he grew weary of the prevalent inertia and in 1925 attempted to single‐handedly resolve the centuries‐old Old Believer schism. This was rejected by the Moscow Patriarchate, leading Andrei to create his own catacomb church. This article concludes that Andrei should be seen as a church politician undone by the contradictions inherent both in his own position and that of the Church.  相似文献   

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中国近代民族主义的兴起与抵制美货运动   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
抵制美货运动展示了与传统排外主义迥然不同的对外方式和理念 ,包括人民主权思想和全民国家观念的兴起、新式社团和报刊等现代传媒的运用、民众政治参与意识的成长和现代舆论的崛起 ,以及文明理性的对外精神 ,因而是中国近代史上最早以近代民族主义为动员方式反抗西方列强的运动之一  相似文献   

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This article examines the central influence of anti‐Catholicism upon English‐Canadian nationalism in the first third of the twentieth century. Anti‐Catholicism provided an existing rhetorical and ideological tradition and framework within which public figures, intellectuals, Protestant church leaders and other Canadians communicated their diverse visions of an ideal Canada. The study of anti‐Catholicism problematises the rigid separation that many scholars have posited between a conservative ethnic nationalism and a progressive civic nationalism. Often times these very civic values were inextricable from a context of Britishness. In addition, anti‐Catholicism was not simply about theological differences between Protestants and Catholics. Instead this theological thread often intersected with the perceived socio‐political problems that Catholics and Catholicism posed. Hostility to Catholicism was not limited only to fraternal organisations such as the Orange Order; indeed the importance of anti‐Catholicism as a component of Canadian nationalism lies in its presence across the political and intellectual spectrum. Catholicism was perceived to inculcate values antithetical to British traditions of freedom and democracy.  相似文献   

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For a long time European immigrant settlements were considered more community-oriented than those of Old Americans. In recent years, however, historians have asserted that there was little difference in observable behaviour between immigrants and Old Americans. Using geographical mobility as one type of observable behaviour, this revision was tested in three Minnesota townships of largely immigrant populations between 1885 and 1905. The unit of analysis was the community defined by membership in the parish church and consisted of populations with largely common origins in Europe. The economic functions of land giving, land taking and labour supply occurred largely within the community as did such social functions as socialization of youth, marriage and care for the aged. The community thus provided pecuniary as well as non-pecuniary utilities that allowed for a stabilization of the lives of the immigrants. Probably because of these utilities, the mobility rates of community members, independent of age or wealth, were noticeably lower than those who are termed non-community members. Due to a combination of weakening ties among second generation community members and worsening economic conditions in the area, community mobility increased in the second decade of analysis. Nevertheless, the mobility rates of the community remained lower than those not in a community suggesting that the revisionist position needs careful re-evaluation.  相似文献   

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The Norwegian church in London began its life as a mission to Scandinavian seamen in 1868, after an evangelical society for this group had been founded in Bergen in 1864. Throughout the period covered, the former was involved in extensive cooperation with the other Nordic missions in the British capital. Yet it was always a congregation rather than just a mission and, as time went by, it became more self‐consciously Norwegian too. Evidence presented here suggests the mission was a place of worship for its domiciled compatriots before 1872, when the church building was completed. In common with many foreign Protestant churches in London, the Norwegian congregation experienced some conflict. There were restrictions on it owing to Norway having entered a forced union with Sweden in 1814. The Swedish church saw itself as catering for both nationalities and would not brook competition from what was officially a service for Scandinavian seamen. The clergy were not natural supporters of Norwegian nationalism. But as their country became more self‐assertive within the union from 1880, they began demanding enhanced rights for their church. It was only when Norway had unilaterally declared its independence in 1905 that the clergy became full‐blown adherents of this.  相似文献   

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Abstract. The article questions the widely held view that nationalism was a significant feature of modem civilisation and particularly of nineteenth-century Europe. Two groups of events are chosen for examination: reputedly classic instances of nationalism (the French Revolution, German responses to Napoleon, the Italian and German revolutions of 1848, Italian and German unification and the Eastern crisis of 1875-8), and important international events which in an age of nationalism should reflect it (the Crimean War, Bismarck's alliances and the Franco-Russian alliance). Defined as the effort of nation/peoples to defend/extend their power, nationalism is evaluated specifically for its breadth of support and its influence on decision-makers which prove to be limited. This conclusion has implications not only for these events but also brings into question the established system of historical periodisation which presumes the distinctiveness of the nineteenth century and modem civilisation precisely because of their distinguishing features such as nationalism.  相似文献   

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学界对于传统中国城市空间近代转型相对缺乏关注。通过对上海县城的研究发现,在人口压力增加、城市用地紧张、环境恶化及租界示范效应的多重作用下,明清治所城市空间结构不再适用于20世纪初的上海县城,城市空间亟待改造。上海县城市政机构的设立为解决这一需求提供了制度保障与财力支持,故县城得以开展前所未有的大规模建设,包括道路、排水、桥梁、码头、义冢迁移、公地改造、市容清理等,以不同以往的空间结构重塑了上海县城。这种因人地关系紧张带来的适应性改善不限于上海一地,而具有普遍性的意义。  相似文献   

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This article provides an introduction to a special issue of the Journal of Religious History on the theme religion and memory based on papers presented at the 20th International Congress of Historical Sciences held at the University of New South Wales, Sydney in July 2005. The special issue was prepared as a memorial tribute to the Australian historians Tony Cahill (1933–2004) and Patrick O’Farrell (1933–2003). Patrick O’Farrell made significant contributions to the histories of Ireland, Irish Australia, migration, place and memory. Tony Cahill was a former editor of the Journal of Religious History who published a number of biographical studies of the Irish‐born Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal Francis Moran (1830–1911). The introduction provides a review summary of the published work of Patrick O’Farrell and brief notes about the seven articles which make up the special issue. The Appendix includes a full bibliography of the published writing of Patrick O’Farrell.  相似文献   

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This article examines the highly gendered nature of the games of hurling and Gaelic football as propagated by the Gaelic Athletic Association from 1884 to 1916 and the relationship of these games to conceptions of nationalism, the body, anti-colonialism, and memories of the Great Famine. Through the discourses surrounding these games, and other facets of the Irish renaissance, a nationalist conception of Irish masculinity emerged which distinguished Irish men from English men, Irish boys and Irish women. In this moment of self-definition, nationalist goals were sought not in parliament or on the battlefield but on the playing fields.  相似文献   

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