共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
美国反托拉斯法目标多重性形成原因的历史探讨 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
历史表明 ,美国反托拉斯法从一开始就不是像罗伯特·博克所说的只有一个目标 ,即消费者利益的最大化或者说经济效率。不同的利益集团和不同地区的代表在第 5 1届国会上的较量就决定了谢尔曼反托拉斯法在目标上的多重性。共和主义的权力均衡理念、自由主义的产权观、古典经济学的契约自由和新古典经济学的市场价格学说也对这种多重性产生了重大影响。在此后一百多年的发展过程中 ,美国反托拉斯法因为整个管制体制的变化而在目标上与时俱进 ,在不同的历史时期有不同的侧重点 ,诸如重整市场、稳定经济、加强社会关注和提高经济效率等等。因此 ,美国反托拉斯法在目标上的多重性从历史的角度来看应该是不争的事实。 相似文献
2.
3.
The Oral History Association's 2008 annual meeting was heldin Pittsburgh last October, as the World Series and the 2008U.S. Presidential Election approached. While the PittsburghPirates were not in the playoffs—and had not been since1992—Pennsylvania's other team, the Philadelphia Phillies,were. And with the Keystone State's status as a key "swing state"in the 2008 election, the presidential candidates and theirprospective running mates made stops in myriad cities and townsthere during the summer and fall. The intersection of politics and sports always will give riseto politicians trying 相似文献
4.
The author of this article asks two main questions. First, whatwas the nature of the so-called medieval colonization in theeastern half of central Europe? Secondly, which factors decidedthat in the second half of the nineteenth and in the twentiethcentury, during the era of a rising modern nationalism and imperialism,colonization became the—not always conscious—toolof manipulation in the fight for so-called historic rightsin certain territories and the battle for the forgingof nations. In particular, in German historiography themyth of medieval colonization was born, which had very littlein common with medieval reality. Even German peasants were supposedto have marched East, not in order to seek out better livingconditions, as one Flemish song went, but to subject for Germanyempty space in the barbaric East. At the sametime, the author presents the thesis that several ideas aboutthe topic of medieval colonization developed under the influenceof the colonization of North America, especially in California—contemporaryto many of these German scholars. This found its expressionin the terminology used, in numerous comparisons, and even inthe fundamental suggestion that German law legitimized the Germanclaim for almost the whole of central and eastern Europe. Thebasic conviction among German historians and politicians wasthat these territories should belong to the Empire under thesame conditions as India belonged to the English,and Algeria to the French. 相似文献
5.
Historians now view Auschwitz as marginal to the origins ofthe Holocaust. In a surprising volte-face from a generationago, Historians now accept what can be called a transformationnarrative. That is, most accounts cast Auschwitz, notas first mover, but as late comer to the destruction of theEuropean Jews. This fits a much larger historiographical movementattributing the Final Solution to a local initiative withina disorganized, even debureaucratized German state.Once again, this departs completely from, say, Raul Hilbergor Hannah Arendt, who defined the Holocaust as a crime uniqueto modern, organized society. Thus, in the case of Auschwitz,what some have come to ridicule as the dating game—thealmost obsessive attempt to identify a precise microchronologyof the final solution—has larger implications. It cutsto the heart of whether we see the Holocaust as a crime of amodern, dynamic industrial state or as a haphazard initiative. This article uses testimony from the three most relevant professionalgroups that built the genocidal factories of Auschwitz to reassessthe current consensus. Contrary to the transformationnarrative, little evidence supports the argument thatthe SS and its independent contractors were somehow divorcedfrom efforts to mechanize genocide from Minsk to Lublin to Oswiecimin the autumn of 1941. The testimony as a whole—drawnfrom civilian managers, SS architects, and prisoner-engineers—leaveslittle doubt that the new crematoria of Birkenau were intendedfrom the beginning (that is, from October 1941) as gas chambers.The transformation narrative, ironically enough,finds support in only one account: the internally contradictoryand almost desperate testimony given by one former SS architectat his own trial. To put a fine point on it, the transformationnarrative hews most closely to a dubious defence narrativegiven by a perpetrator, in which neither his lawyers nor hisfellow defendants placed much credence. 相似文献
6.
During the revolutions of 1848 and their aftermath, the governmentsof France, Austria and Prussia, respectively, were exposed toextraordinary pressure from a variety of nationalist movementswith fundamentally different agendas. They had difficult choicesto make as to whether they let their foreign policies be determinedby domestic concerns or heed the rules of the internationalsystem—it was hardly possible to do both. As a resultthey performed a balancing act on a tight rope:a wrong step could cause their fall, either because they wouldbe overthrown by their own people, or they would risk war withother Great Powers. Those not affected by a revolution in 1848,i.e. conservative Russia and progressive Britain, had to opteither for backing countries with political tendencies similarto their own, or for simply upholding the balance of power andinternational rules. The author concludes that the primacyof foreign policy—within this context more preciselythe primacy of the international system's rules and the balanceof power—helps to understand the actual foreign policiesof four of the five Great Powers during the European crisisof 1848–51. Austria's government, the one country tryingto overthrow the balance of power and change the nature of thesystem, was effectively checked. The rules of the post-1815international system were still an efficacious tool for discipliningstates. 相似文献
7.
Francisco J. Sánchez 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(2):81-93
This article proposes an interpretation of Lope de Vega's El Brasil Restituido (1625) that points to the political, military, and economic crises of Spain in Europe as the underlying themes of the representation of the retaking of the Brazilian colony of Bahía from the Dutch. The Spanish monarchy faced a major challenge to its European supremacy during the first two decades of the seventeenth century. Not only was its military power being frontally contested at different sites of Europe, but its political and economic influence was rapidly deteriorating as well. One of the goals of the Count-Duke of Olivares, the powerful prime minister of Phillip IV, was to regain European leadership by mobilizing the mercantile segments of Spain. The play illustrates the confluence of two ideological systems during the transformation of Spanish feudal society. On the one hand, the dominant ideology of blood purity legitimizes the seigniorial structure of lineage; on the other hand, the representation of a new merchant as a good servant of the king discloses the important role that a mercantile enterprise and ethos had acquired in the formation of a subject to the monarchy. 相似文献
8.
纵观冷战期间印美关系的演变历史,非结盟却并不完全交恶的状态是主调.外交目标的分歧、印巴矛盾、经济援助以及印度国内背景等方面是影响两国关系的多重性因素,正是这些因素的此消彼长,形成了印美关系在友好与淡漠状态之间徘徊. 相似文献
9.
Zhihua Shen 《Frontiers of History in China》2007,2(1):88-108
The outbreak of the Korean War caused the U.S.A. to become determined in excluding the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from
the Treaty of Peace with Japan, the signing of which is hoped to be hastened by winning the Korean War. Before the signing
of the treaty, the U.S.A. intentionally delayed the Korean truce negotiations in order to prevent the PRC from attending the
San Francisco Peace Conference. After the signing, the U.S.A. preferred an immediate cessation of hostilities in Korea, whereas
the Soviet Union and the PRC, bogged down in the Far East by the terms of the treaty, were determined to take a hard-line
stance, hoping that the U.S.A. would become tied down and drained on the Korean battlefield. Thus, there was a subtle relationship
between the treaty and the negotiations in the context of the Cold War.
Translated by Chen Dan from Shixue Jikan 史学集刊 (Collected Papers of History Studies) 2006, (1): 66–75 相似文献
10.
Prudence M. Rice 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2009,16(2):117-156
Studies of the organization of Maya pottery production have been pursued via numerous methods but without theoretical models.
I review available data on production of Late Classic southern lowland Maya polychrome pottery in light of my calendrically
based may model of geopolitical organization. I conclude that: (1) production arrangements vary by “kind” of pottery; (2) “craft specialization”
and “workshops” are inappropriate concepts; (3) study of polychrome production necessitates multiple approaches, including
analysis of decorative content; (4) better “bridging arguments” and “middle-range theory” are needed; (5) figural polychromes
were “inalienable” wealth goods; and (6) they were painted in palaces of primary and secondary centers—may and k'atun seats in the model—in realm-specific signature styles. 相似文献
11.
Anna S. Agbe-Davies 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2009,13(1):112-126
The excavations at Bush Hill House were sponsored because of its association with a notable historical figure, yet the archaeologists
were more interested in what we saw as the “bigger” picture: colonialism; slavery; the Atlantic World. This paper addresses
both the micro scale—individual deposits and individual people—and the macro scale—placing this site within the larger world of the British Atlantic of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth
centuries. Not surprisingly, both scales, when considered explicitly, offer insights into past social worlds and archaeologists’
means of discovering them. 相似文献
12.
David W. Phillipson 《African Archaeological Review》2009,26(4):257-274
An overview is offered of the development of research—both archaeological and epigraphic—on the inhabitants of the northern
Horn during the first millennium bc. Initially, reconstructions of this period placed considerable emphasis on links with southern Arabia and tended to group
those into a single cultural category that was designated ‘Pre-Aksumite’. It is now argued that long-distance contacts were
much less pervasive, being largely restricted to the élite, and that other aspects of life—including much material culture
and subsistence economy—displayed strong local continuity from earlier times. Similarly, it is argued that interpretation
of the epigraphic evidence as indicating a single ‘Pre-Aksumite’ state called D'MT is unjustified. 相似文献
13.
Walton A. Green 《Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences》2009,1(1):1-13
Like other analytic aspects of archaeology, archaeobotany has been growing progressively more quantitative in the past few
decades. This may be a sign of the proliferation of increasingly mature and sophisticated methodologies for analyzing botanical
data, but associated with the sophistication of quantitative methods is their inherent opacity: the value and applicability
of anthropological conclusions drawn from quantitative archaeobotanical data are not only limited by the amount of information
that can be extracted from data by sophisticated statistical tools, but also by our ability to draw reasonable anthropological—as
opposed to merely statistical—conclusions. Even the words “classification” and “significance” have different meanings in statistics
and in anthropology. In this paper, I propose the use of graphical analysis for archaeobotanical data in addition to, or instead of, typical statistical tools like significance tests, variable reduction,
and clustering. Applied to data from charred seed assemblages from the ancient Near East, the visual representation of quantitative
data has the advantage of handling semiquantitative data better and being interpretable without reliance on the paradigm of
a formal statistical test. 相似文献
14.
Jiang Sun 《Frontiers of History in China》2011,6(1):53-73
This article explores the relationship between Christianity and Chinese society in the second half of the nineteenth century
by re-examining the primary sources of anti-Christian movements. The first part shows how Christian churches broke the dominance
of the Qing government over local society. Conflicts between Christianity and Chinese religion were often transformed into
political confrontations between churches and the Qing bureaucracy. The second part analyzes how Confucianism, Buddhism, and
Daoism interpreted Christianity, with an emphasis on how to understand the perception of Christianity in Chinese society.
Exploring broader societal perceptions of Christianity—and not just those expressed in the writings of the Confucian literati—allows
for a more nuanced understanding of Chinese interpretations of Christianity. The third part studies the relationship between
churches and Chinese religious sects. On the one hand, in the language of anti-Christian movements such as those of the Zaili
and Cai sects, Christianity was the hateful “Other.” On the other hand, in the process of preaching Christianity, churches
themselves experienced a period of transmutation: they recruited into the church not only non-religious civilians but also
the followers of popular religions. For a long period, Christianity was called yangjiao, the “foreign religion,” making it the “Other.” Missionaries started to feel an urgency to reject their identity as the “Other”
after the harrowing experience of the Boxer Movement. 相似文献
15.
Jinmin Fan 《Frontiers of History in China》2007,2(3):345-378
In the mid-Ming Dynasty, the means of transportation were greatly improved; commodity production became more developed; silver
was gradually monetized; commercial taxes became lighter; and social attitudes towards merchants changed. All these developments
created a favorable environment for the formation of regional merchant groups. Meanwhile, social factors at the regional level—characteristics
of local commodity production, favorable natural environment and production structures, as well as Ming government’s practice
of border defense, border trade, foreign policy, local customs, and the interpretation of commercial activities of local people—all
contributed to the emergence of merchant groups.
Translated by Wu Yanhong from Tsinghua Daxue Xuebao 清华大学学报 (Journal of Tsinghua University), 2006, (5): 81–94 相似文献
16.
In Soviet-occupied East Germany during the mid- to late 1940s,a remarkable but scarcely remarked-upon transition took place.Hundreds of thousands of young Germans who had previously beenmembers of the Nazi youth organizations, the Hitler Youth (HJ)and the League of German Girls (BDM) flocked to join the Communist-ledFree German Youth (FDJ), a unisex united youth organizationfounded under Soviet auspices in March 1946. This paper examinesthe experiences of this twice betrayed generation,whose members rapidly—though with varying degrees of enthusiasm—switchedallegiance from Nazism to Communism after the Second World Warand ultimately exchanged life in one authoritarian youth organizationfor life in another. Drawing on archival and interview material,it first seeks to outline Communist attitudes towards denazificationamong the young in the postwar period, before going on to examinefrom a grass-roots perspective the experiences, motivations,and attitudes of those who exchanged their HJ or BDM membershipbooks for those of the FDJ. Despite, or perhaps because of,East Germany's strongly-espoused and rigidly dogmatic anti-fascism,open discussion of the Nazi past was—for a variety ofreasons—taboo during the immediate postwar period, particularlyamong the young. This paper concludes by discussing the reasonsbehind this pact of silence between the Communistsand the Hitler Youth generation—and howit impacted upon subsequent generations of young people borninto socialism. 相似文献
17.
Zhenghua Dong 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(2):159-198
Long before 1979, Chinese historical research had been dominated by the theory of “the Five Modes of Production”, according
to which the whole Chinese history as well as the other parts of the world had been developed from the first MOD to the last
one by one. The modernization theories prevailed during the 1950s and the 1960s, bringing about another uni-linear model of
historical changes. For example, W. W. Rostow designed a five-stage process as a universal frame work of economic development,
based on which each society could find its position in this uni-line. The task of the less developed societies is just to
introduce modemity from the modernized societies so that they can make some developments. Thus modernization is a uni-direction
movement as well as a uni-linear process. After 1979, modernization as a new paradigm has been accepted by an increasing number
of Chinese historians. The increasing depth and breadth of the academic researches have encouraged such an acceptance, but,
admittedly, as a new conceptual system that corresponded to the historic breakthrough and the new direction towards modernization
in China. This acceptance also showed the “crisis of paradigm”, that is, the contradiction between the new themes and the
old ones that had dominated Chinese humanities and social sciences. The modernization paradigm based on monistic multi-linear
theory considers modernization as a unique breakthrough in history, a great transformation around the whole world, and a historical
process that does not have a given ultimate aim and value but different models and routes. The monistic multi-linear theory
on historical development is open and all-embracing in historical studies. A variety of historical paradigms is favorable
to prosperity of Chinese history.
__________
Translated from: Shixue Yuekan 史学月刊 (Journal of Historical Science), No.5, 2004, by Wang Fan; Revised by Chong Hua 相似文献
18.
The domesticated species Oryza sativa or Asian rice evolved starting approximately 9,000 years ago and from its centers of origin in China and India has subsequently
spread throughout the Old World (and in historical times in the New World as well). This species is one of the key domesticated
crop plants in the world and has emerged as a model for studying the origins and spread of domesticated taxa as well as in
investigating the genetic basis for plant variation under domestication. Archaeological data has been critical in dissecting
the origins and spread of rice throughout Asia, but molecular information has also provided a complementary approach to examining
the evolutionary dynamics of this species. The evolutionary history of a species can leave its footprints within its genome.
Moreover, genetic studies allow us to study the history of traits that do not leave an archaeological record—for example,
grain stickiness or flowering time—which can provide insights into how crop species are adopted by different cultures. In
this review, several molecular studies into the origin and spread of Asian rice are discussed and we explore the advances
these genetic studies offer in our understanding of the evolution of domesticated species. We also explore how archaeological
data can provide critical insights that can help refine genetic models of the origin and spread of domesticated species. 相似文献
19.
Jim S. Dolwick 《Journal of Maritime Archaeology》2008,3(1):15-41
This paper examines the concept of the ‘social,’ particularly from an archaeological perspective, and explores how it relates
to the ways in which we seek to understand the processes of technological innovation and change. It is demonstrated that the
concept ‘social’ is far from well defined and that enquiry is bedevilled by artificial polarization between subject-centred
approaches and object-centred particularism. Through the medium of early United States steamboat technology a different approach
is forged through the melding of people and things with the idea of viewing artefacts as active social actors along with people. Ultimately, it is argued that maritime archaeologists should be more bullish in their approaches
to material things—instead of adopting social theories ‘wholesale,’ we should insist that they include the things we study: boats, material objects, people, artefacts, landscapes and animals. 相似文献
20.
燕红忠 《Frontiers of History in China》2009,4(2):221-264
The eighteenth century was the heyday of Chinese traditional economic development, that the monetization and sharp increase
in the supply of silver stimulated long-distance trade and the rise of regional merchants groups, and increased industrial
and agricultural production all reflecting the overall economic development of this period. Along with commoditization and
monetization of the economy, monetary supplies and government financial behavior had increasing influence on the economy.
The shortage of monetary supplies gave rise to three economic depressions: the early years of the Qing Dynasty, Jiaqing’s
reign, and Daoguang’s reign. This study clearly indicates that the scholarly debate over the “stagnation” or “growth” of the
Qing economy perhaps merely depends on the period of time and aspect of the economy one examines. The two viewpoints can be
somewhat reconciled.
Translated by Feng Mei from Qingshi Yanjiu 清史研究 (Studies in Qing History), 2008, (3): 24–43 相似文献